West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari on Wednesday announced the implementation of a new mechanism under which individuals identified as infiltrators and detained by state police will be handed over directly to the Border Security Force (BSF) for deportation proceedings.
Addressing a press conference at the state secretariat Nabanna, Adhikari clarified that communities covered under the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) would remain outside the scope of the new process.
The Chief Minister said the move operationalises a provision communicated by the Centre last year regarding the direct transfer of infiltrators to the BSF.
“A letter had been sent by the Centre to the state on May 14 last year regarding the direct handover of infiltrators to the BSF, but the previous government failed to implement this important provision. We have now enforced it,” Adhikari said.
He alleged that the previous Trinamool Congress government had opposed the CAA and chose not to operationalise the mechanism suggested by the Centre.
Explaining the legal framework, Adhikari said seven communities covered under the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and those who entered India before the prescribed cut-off date would not face action under the new system.
“Under the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, seven communities have been named and those who came till December 31, 2024, are protected. The police cannot detain them,” he said.
The Chief Minister added that individuals not covered under the Act would be treated as infiltrators and dealt with under the newly enforced procedure.
“State police will detain them and hand them over to the BSF,” he stated.
According to Adhikari, the BSF will coordinate with the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and initiate the deportation process.
“The BSF will speak to the BGB and take necessary steps to deport them. From today, this law is being implemented,” he said.
He added that instructions had already been conveyed to the Director General of Police and the state Home Secretary, with implementation beginning across police stations located in border districts.
“We have informed the DGP and the Home Secretary that this law will be implemented in all police stations in border areas for the sake of West Bengal and India’s security,” Adhikari said.
The Chief Minister said identification and action against infiltrators would begin immediately as part of the state government’s broader focus on border management and internal security.
Security has been significantly tightened around the Bhojshala complex in Madhya Pradesh’s Dhar district ahead of the first Friday following the High Court verdict declaring the disputed site a Vagdevi temple. Officials said more than 1,500 police personnel, backed by drones and CCTV surveillance, have been deployed to maintain law and order.
The heightened security comes as the Bhoj Utsav Samiti has called on members of the Hindu community to gather for a collective “Akhand Puja” at the 11th-century Bhojshala complex on Friday, describing it as a historic occasion and claiming it marks the first such event in 721 years.
The Madhya Pradesh High Court on May 15 ruled that the disputed Bhojshala-Kamal Maula Mosque complex is a temple dedicated to Goddess Vagdevi (Saraswati). The court also quashed an earlier Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) order that permitted Muslims to offer Friday namaz at the site.
Prior to the ruling, Hindus were permitted to worship at the medieval monument only on Tuesdays, while Muslims had been offering prayers there on Fridays for years. Both communities had laid claim to the structure.
Dhar Superintendent of Police Sachin Sharma said a nine-layer security arrangement has been implemented around the complex. The security measures include vehicle checks, mobile patrols, drone monitoring and extensive CCTV surveillance.
Following the verdict, Hindu organisations held celebrations at the site earlier this week, including prayers and fireworks. In response, authorities convened a peace committee meeting on Wednesday attended by Collector Rajiv Ranjan Meena and SP Sharma.
Officials said the High Court’s directions would be implemented “in letter and spirit” and urged people not to fall for rumours or provocative social media content. Authorities also stressed that no new religious activity or tradition beyond what had previously been permitted would be allowed at the site.
Bhoj Utsav Samiti patron Ashok Jain said community members would gather at Dhan Mandi Square on Friday before proceeding in a procession to Bhojshala for a “Maha Aarti.”
“This Friday has come after 721 years and is linked to our self-respect. The entire Hindu community will offer prayers at Bhojshala,” Jain said.
He further claimed that Hindus had faced restrictions and recurring disputes over worship rights at the site for decades, especially during years when Basant Panchami coincided with Friday prayers.
Jan Suraaj Party founder Prashant Kishor has shifted to an ashram on the outskirts of Patna, declaring that it will serve as his political base until the next Bihar Assembly elections, where he hopes his party will emerge as a significant force.
Speaking to reporters in Darbhanga on Wednesday, the 48-year-old political strategist-turned-politician said he moved out of his Patna residence on Tuesday night and relocated to the Bihar Navnirman Ashram near IIT-Patna.
“Last night I shifted out of the place in Patna where I had been living. The Bihar Navnirman Ashram shall be my abode till the next Assembly elections, when the Jan Suraaj Party will, hopefully, make an impact,” Kishor said.
Kishor, co-founder of Indian Political Action Committee (I-PAC), quit political consultancy and launched the Jan Suraaj Party in 2024. Until now, he had been operating from Sheikhpura House, a sprawling bungalow near Patna airport owned by the family of Jan Suraaj national president and former BJP MP Uday Singh.
During his interaction, Kishor also sharpened his criticism of former Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, who recently stepped down and moved to the Rajya Sabha.
“The person elected as chief minister could not stop migration caused by economic distress. Instead, he chose to migrate himself, but only after ensuring his son got a foothold,” Kishor said, referring to Nishant Kumar’s entry into the BJP-led government headed by Chief Minister Samrat Choudhary.
Appealing to voters ahead of future elections, Kishor urged people to cast votes based on their interests and future aspirations rather than caste, religion or financial inducements.
“The people of Bihar should think about the future of their own children while voting. They should not be swayed by leaders like Narendra Modi, Nitish Kumar or Lalu Prasad, nor sell their votes for Rs 10,000,” he remarked.
The statement was viewed as an indirect reference to the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana, under which over 1.5 crore women reportedly received financial assistance.
Kishor also warned about potential economic challenges arising from geopolitical tensions in West Asia. He claimed fuel prices could increase sharply and shortages of fertilisers may worsen.
“People may witness petrol and diesel prices increasing by up to Rs 10 per litre. Farmers who previously complained about black marketing may now face actual shortages,” he said.
Targeting the current administration, Kishor accused the government of extravagance despite Bihar being among India’s poorest states.
“Bihar is the poorest state in the country, yet its chief minister lives in a 25-acre residence. The cost of maintaining it must be enormous,” he alleged.
The move to the ashram and Kishor’s political messaging come as Jan Suraaj attempts to position itself as an alternative force in Bihar’s evolving political landscape.
The Central Drugs Standard Control Organisation (CDSCO) has clarified that cosmetic products supplied in injectable form do not fall under the legal definition of cosmetics and are not permitted for use by consumers, medical professionals or aesthetic clinics.
The advisory comes amid the increasing popularity of injectable aesthetic procedures being marketed as “cosmetic treatments” at beauty clinics and wellness centres across the country.
According to sources, the clarification aims to prevent the misuse of cosmetic products for treatment purposes and ensure consumer safety as non-surgical aesthetic procedures gain traction, particularly in urban areas and through social media-driven promotions.
The move is also intended to curb misleading advertisements and unauthorised cosmetic practices being carried out by clinics and individuals.
In a public notice issued on May 18, the central regulator stated that cosmetics are legally intended only to be “rubbed, poured, sprinkled or sprayed” on the body for cleansing, beautification, enhancing attractiveness or altering appearance.
“Products supplied in injectable form do not fall under the definition of cosmetics. No cosmetic is permitted to be used as an injection by consumers, professionals or aesthetic clinics,” the notice stated.
The regulator further warned against misleading claims and the use of prohibited ingredients in cosmetic products, stating that such violations could invite action under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act and the Cosmetics Rules, 2020.
The CDSCO also stressed that cosmetic products can only be used for their intended purpose and cannot be administered as treatments by professionals or individuals.
Additionally, the regulator noted that the list of Generally Not Recognised As Safe (GNRAS) and restricted ingredients is available through the Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS).
The public has also been encouraged to report any misleading practices or violations to regulatory authorities through email or state licensing agencies.
The post-mortem report in the death of 33-year-old Twisha Sharma has concluded that she died due to “antemortem hanging by ligature,” adding a significant development to the ongoing investigation that has triggered allegations of murder and dowry harassment from her family.
The autopsy, conducted by the Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology at AIIMS Bhopal, stated that Twisha was found hanging from a gymnastic ring rope on the terrace of her residence at around 10:26 pm on May 12.
The report identified double reddish-patterned ligature marks around the upper third of her neck, with the skin underneath described as dry, hard and “parchmentised.” It also noted that the ligature mark was incomplete at the back of the neck, a detail often examined in hanging cases.
Doctors documented multiple signs consistent with asphyxia, including facial congestion, bluish discolouration of the ears and fingernails, along with petechial haemorrhages in one eye.
The autopsy further recorded several ante-mortem blunt-force injuries on different parts of the body, including abrasions on the neck and bruises on the left arm, forearm, right wrist, right index finger and beneath the scalp. However, the medical board classified these as simple ante-mortem injuries and concluded that the primary cause of death was hanging.
The report also stated that no drugs were found in Twisha’s body, contradicting earlier claims made publicly by her mother-in-law, Giribala Singh, who had alleged that Twisha consumed prohibited substances and marijuana.
Twisha’s family has consistently maintained that she was subjected to mental torture and dowry harassment after marriage and has accused her in-laws of involvement in her death.
The family has also demanded a second post-mortem examination, alleging that the earlier process was incomplete.
Meanwhile, police have urged the family to take possession of Twisha’s body, which has remained in the mortuary for an extended period.
In a communication to the family, police said the body was currently being stored at minus four degrees Celsius at the AIIMS Bhopal mortuary and warned that prolonged storage could lead to decomposition, as facilities to preserve the body at minus 80 degrees Celsius were unavailable.
The case continues to draw public attention as investigations into the circumstances surrounding Twisha Sharma’s death remain underway.
Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on Wednesday dismissed concerns over an alleged petrol and diesel shortage in the state and urged citizens not to engage in panic buying, asserting that fuel supplies remain sufficient across Maharashtra.
Responding to claims made by NCP (SP) leader Jayant Patil regarding an alleged shortage of fuel for police vehicles in Nagpur, Fadnavis said there was no scarcity of petrol or diesel and blamed panic-driven stockpiling for creating temporary disruptions.
“There is an adequate supply of petrol and diesel in Maharashtra. Panic buying disrupts the supply chain that has evolved over several years,” Fadnavis said.
Explaining the impact of sudden demand surges, the chief minister compared the situation to banking systems.
“If everyone withdraws money from a bank simultaneously, the bank may not immediately have that level of liquidity because systems function according to routine demand patterns. The same principle applies to fuel supply chains,” he said.
Fadnavis stressed that unnecessary stockpiling by consumers disturbs the balance of supply and demand and can create temporary shortages despite sufficient reserves.
“Whenever panic is created and people begin purchasing more fuel than required, the supply chain gets affected. That is what creates short-term shortages,” he added.
The chief minister also rejected Jayant Patil’s remarks that police in Nagpur allegedly faced operational difficulties due to a lack of diesel.
“Jayant Patil made serious allegations claiming police were unable to investigate a crime because of diesel shortages and suggested the double-engine government had run out of fuel. There is no such issue anywhere concerning fuel availability for police vehicles,” Fadnavis said.
He further claimed that action had already been taken against the individual who allegedly circulated such misinformation.
Earlier in the day, Jayant Patil had criticised the government over reports of fuel shortages in parts of the state and, in a post on X, questioned whether “even the oil in the engines of the double-engine government had run out.”
The exchange comes amid concerns in some areas over fuel availability, although the state government has maintained that supplies remain normal.
In a major breakthrough in the Chandranath Rath murder investigation, Vinay Rai, alias Pampam Rai, a key accused allegedly involved in the conspiracy behind the killing, was arrested in Uttar Pradesh’s Varanasi on Monday night, according to reports.
Rai, considered a dreaded criminal and history-sheeter, is the fifth person to be arrested in connection with the sensational murder case involving Chandranath Rath, the executive assistant to senior BJP leader and West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari.
Following his arrest, Rai was produced before the Chief Judicial Magistrate’s court in Varanasi, which granted the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) transit remand until 6 pm on May 21, regional media reports stated.
A resident of Deoria village in the Zamania region of Uttar Pradesh’s Ghazipur district, Rai is believed to operate a truck transport business across Bihar and Jharkhand. Police records reportedly show multiple serious criminal cases registered against him in Ghazipur and Delhi, including charges of murder, attempted murder and criminal conspiracy.
Meanwhile, reports regarding the alleged surrender of another accused, Santosh Rai, in Bihar remained unconfirmed as of Tuesday.
Earlier, on May 11, the CBI arrested another accused, Raj Kumar Singh, from Muzaffarnagar in connection with the case. Though not considered a hardened criminal, Singh was reportedly known for involvement in local altercations and maintaining minimal contact with villagers.
Chandranath Rath was shot dead in Madhyamgram on May 6, just two days after the declaration of the fiercely contested West Bengal Assembly election results. The killing took place on a public road in the Doharia area of Madhyamgram, sending shockwaves through the state’s political circles.
The high-profile case continues to remain under intense scrutiny as investigators pursue all possible links behind the murder conspiracy.
A Special PMLA Court on Wednesday remanded self-styled godman Ashok Kharat to Enforcement Directorate (ED) custody till May 26 in connection with an alleged Rs 70 crore money laundering case.
Kharat, who is already facing multiple charges including rape, fraud and sexual exploitation, was produced before the court after being arrested by the ED on Tuesday. The central agency had sought his custodial interrogation for 10 days to facilitate a detailed probe into the alleged financial irregularities.
The ED registered a case against Kharat under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) on April 6 after taking cognisance of a Nashik Police FIR. The case involves allegations of extortion, religious manipulation and drug-facilitated assaults on multiple women.
Apart from the money laundering investigation, Kharat faces several FIRs related to rape and sexual exploitation. He was arrested by Nashik Police on March 18 after a married woman accused him of repeatedly raping her over a period of three years.
According to the ED, Kharat allegedly orchestrated a large-scale extortion network and laundered more than Rs 70 crore through a complex web of benami bank accounts. Investigators suspect that the funds were routed through accounts held in others’ names to conceal the true ownership and source of money.
A Special Investigation Team (SIT) is currently probing 12 separate cases involving allegations of sexual exploitation and financial fraud against Kharat across Nashik and Ahilyanagar districts.
Before his ED arrest, Kharat was lodged in judicial custody in Nashik and was later brought to Mumbai on a production warrant for further proceedings.
NCP (SP) chief Sharad Pawar on Tuesday said that despite political differences with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, national interest and India’s global prestige should remain above party lines.
Speaking at a gratitude and fellowship gathering organised by the Pune-based Lakshmanrao Gutte Rural Development Foundation, Pawar stressed that leaders across political ideologies should unite whenever the nation’s honour and interests are at stake.
“Prime Minister Narendra Modi is working to protect India’s prestige outside the country. We may have different political views, but when it comes to the nation’s honour, political differences should not come in the way,” Pawar said.
The veteran leader and former Union minister emphasised that national priorities should take precedence over political rivalry. He noted that whenever there is an opportunity to work collectively for the country’s welfare, leaders should join hands with a common purpose.
Pawar also highlighted the leadership of former prime ministers and leaders such as Indira Gandhi, P V Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh, stating that they consistently placed India’s future and international standing at the centre of governance.
Addressing former colleagues and political workers at the event, Pawar acknowledged that many individuals who once worked together had now moved to different political parties but had continued their commitment to public service.
“Some may belong to different political parties today, but all of you have remained connected with common people and preserved your commitment to society,” he said.
Recalling his own political journey, Pawar shared memories of moving from Baramati to Pune in 1958 due to the absence of a college in his hometown. He recounted how his involvement in youth movements eventually led him to leadership roles in the Youth Congress at city, state and national levels.
He also reflected on meeting India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during his youth and narrated an anecdote involving former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, highlighting her insistence on protecting India’s dignity during an official visit to the Soviet Union.
Quoting Gandhi, Pawar said, “I represent 40 crore people of India. If their prestige is not respected, I will never accept it.”
Pawar concluded by urging leaders and former colleagues to continue participating in initiatives that strengthen the country and uphold India’s prestige globally.
Bhopal is not merely witnessing another sensational headline. The death of Twisha Sharma has now become a disturbing symbol of everything Indian society refuses to confront honestly — toxic marriages, hidden domestic abuse, dowry pressure, emotional torture, social hypocrisy, and the dangerous protection of influence over truth.
What initially appeared to be a straightforward case of suicide has slowly transformed into a deeply controversial and emotionally explosive investigation. Every new forensic detail, every legal development, and every public statement emerging from this case has raised even more troubling questions.
And the most dangerous thing about this case is not only the death itself — it is the possibility that the truth may get buried beneath status, power, legal games, and carefully manufactured narratives.
Twisha Sharma was not an anonymous woman lost in statistics. She was educated, ambitious, independent, and known in public life. Before entering the corporate world, she had participated in beauty pageants, earned recognition as a former Miss Pune, and appeared in film projects including Mugguru Monagallu and Zara Sambhal Kay. She later moved away from cinema and worked as a marketing manager in the hospitality and restaurant sector.
Like countless young women in India, she stepped into marriage carrying dreams, trust, emotional hope, and the belief that she was entering a secure future.
But barely five months after marrying Samarth Singh in December 2025, she was found dead inside her husband’s residence in Bhopal’s Katara Hills area.
The first version presented to the public was simple: suicide.
But the deeper the investigation goes, the weaker that simplicity appears.
According to reports, the postmortem documented multiple ante-mortem injuries on Twisha’s body — abrasions on the neck, bruises on the arm, wrist, finger, and even injuries beneath the scalp. The report also reportedly noted classic signs associated with asphyxia, including bluish discolouration of the ears and fingernails, facial congestion, and petechial haemorrhages in the eye.
Then came the most explosive revelation — the ligature report.
Investigators reportedly concluded that Twisha died due to asphyxia caused by a belt allegedly used as the ligature material. But this revelation immediately triggered another deeply disturbing question: if the belt was such critical evidence, why was it reportedly absent during the initial postmortem examination?
How does a crucial piece of forensic evidence disappear during one of the most sensitive stages of investigation and then suddenly reappear two days later for forensic analysis?
Who handled that evidence? Where was it kept? Why was it not sealed immediately? Was protocol violated? Was there negligence? Or was someone trying to shape the narrative before forensic scrutiny complicated the official version?
These are not conspiracy theories. These are legitimate investigative concerns that any transparent system must answer clearly and fearlessly.
The situation becomes even more complicated because the accused family is not socially powerless. Twisha’s husband Samarth Singh and his mother, retired judge Giribala Singh, now stand accused amid growing allegations of mental harassment and dowry-related abuse. While Samarth is reportedly absconding and police have announced a reward linked to his arrest, anticipatory bail granted to the retired judge has already triggered public debate about how differently the justice system appears to function when influence enters the room.
This is precisely why public trust begins collapsing in high-profile cases.
Ordinary citizens start wondering whether investigations remain genuinely independent when powerful names become involved. People begin questioning whether evidence is being examined honestly or merely managed carefully.
The growing anger surrounding this case intensified further during a press conference involving the lawyer representing the former judge. When journalists questioned him regarding reports about the divorce of the family’s elder daughter-in-law, the response was not calm clarification but visible irritation. “Can’t you get divorced too?” he reportedly snapped back.
But the media’s question was not irrelevant gossip.
The question mattered because allegations are now surfacing that previous daughters-in-law in the family may also have faced distress and humiliation. Whether those allegations are eventually proven or disproven is a separate matter. But dismissing such questions with aggression instead of transparency only deepens public suspicion.
And this is where the Twisha Sharma case stops being about one family alone.
It becomes a mirror reflecting a brutal social reality that India still refuses to acknowledge openly.
Behind thousands of respectable homes, many women continue to live under suffocating emotional pressure. They are expected to tolerate humiliation silently in the name of adjustment, marriage, tradition, and family honour. They are taught that “good women” endure everything quietly.
If the husband drinks excessively, tolerate it. If he becomes violent, stay silent. If in-laws mentally torture you, compromise. If dowry pressure continues, adjust. If your mental health collapses, hide it. If you cry for help, society often sends you back to the same house with advice to “save the marriage.”
This silence is deadly.
India today faces a deeply uncomfortable reality: suicide among married women has quietly become a national crisis.
Data repeatedly shows that married women form a disturbingly high percentage of female suicides in the country. Unlike many Western societies where marriage often acts as emotional support, for countless Indian women marriage becomes the beginning of social isolation, emotional dependency, financial helplessness, and psychological imprisonment.
Domestic violence remains one of the strongest hidden triggers. Dowry harassment continues despite decades of laws and public campaigns. Patriarchal control inside households still dictates how women dress, speak, work, socialize, and live. Many women lose not only freedom after marriage — they lose identity itself.
And the tragedy is that abuse does not always leave visible wounds. Sometimes the most dangerous violence is emotional. Constant humiliation, Gaslighting, Threats, Control, Isolation, Mockery, Manipulation, Fear, Financial dependency, Subtle intimidation. These things slowly destroy a person internally long before society notices anything is wrong.What makes matters worse is the social obsession with appearances.
Parents often investigate salary packages, luxury homes, family status, political influence, property, and caste background before marriage. But they rarely ask the most important questions.
How does the man behave under stress? Does he abuse substances? Does he show violent tendencies? How does the family treat women? What is the emotional environment inside that household? What is their history with daughters-in-law? Do they believe marriage is partnership — or ownership?
These questions are not disrespectful. They are necessary.
Because expensive weddings and respectable surnames cannot protect a daughter from psychological destruction inside a toxic home.
Society must also stop glorifying silent suffering in women. Endurance is not always strength. Sometimes endurance becomes slow emotional death.
If a daughter repeatedly expresses fear, distress, humiliation, or emotional exhaustion after marriage, families must take it seriously immediately. Not after public scandal. Not after violence escalates. And certainly not after a funeral.
The Twisha Sharma case deserves neither media hysteria nor blind assumptions. No investigation should become a public lynching. But neither should uncomfortable questions be buried under influence, legal intimidation, or reputation management.
A fearless investigation is not anti-family. Transparency is not character assassination. Demanding accountability is not disrespect. And asking difficult questions is not conspiracy.
If evidence appears inconsistent, if forensic gaps exist, if timelines raise suspicion, and if crucial questions remain unanswered, then society has every right to demand clarity.
Because once people begin believing that truth itself can be negotiated by power, institutions lose moral authority.
A young woman is dead.
And somewhere between forensic reports, legal strategies, missing evidence, public statements, and emotional outrage lies the truth of what happened inside that house.
India owes Twisha Sharma more than headlines.
It owes her honesty. It owes her accountability. And above all, it owes her justice.
