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Bengal at the Crossroads: Identity vs Capability in a Battle That Refuses Simplification

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Bengal at the Crossroads: Identity vs Capability in a Battle That Refuses Simplification 2

West Bengal has never been a state that votes in straight lines or predictable patterns. It listens, absorbs, debates, and then delivers a verdict that often surprises those who try to fit it into neat political frameworks. The 2026 electoral mood reflects this very character. What appears on the surface as a clash between the BJP’s aggressive religious mobilization and Mamata Banerjee’s governance-driven narrative is, in reality, a far more layered contest—one that is testing the limits of identity politics and the endurance of credibility.

The BJP entered Bengal with a clear and familiar strategy: consolidate the Hindu vote by invoking cultural identity, highlighting religious grievances, and projecting itself as the defender of a larger civilizational ethos. For a while, this approach yielded results. The surge in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections and the strong showing in 2021 were not accidental; they were built on a carefully crafted narrative that resonated with sections of voters who felt politically sidelined. But Bengal is not a political vacuum waiting to be filled. It carries a civilizational temperament shaped by thinkers like Swami Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tagore—a temperament that engages deeply with religion, yet resists its reduction into a blunt political instrument. The BJP’s challenge has not been in introducing the religious narrative, but in sustaining it without overplaying it. What was once a sharp and disruptive message has gradually become repetitive. Bengal’s voter, politically aware and culturally nuanced, quickly recognizes when a narrative is being stretched beyond its natural limit. When repetition replaces innovation, even the strongest messaging begins to lose its force.

There is also a deeper miscalculation embedded in the BJP’s approach—the assumption that religious identity, once activated, will override all other considerations. Bengal does not operate on such linear logic. Identity matters, but it competes with governance, welfare delivery, economic stability, and leadership credibility. It is a layered decision-making process, not a single-axis reaction. By leaning too heavily on religious polarization, the BJP risks appearing one-dimensional in a state that prides itself on intellectual and political complexity. Moreover, every attempt at polarization triggers an equal and opposite consolidation. Minority voters, sensing vulnerability, tend to rally more decisively behind the strongest opposing force, thereby creating a natural ceiling for the BJP’s expansion. What begins as a strategy to consolidate one side often ends up strengthening the other.

In contrast, Mamata Banerjee has executed a far more grounded and instinctive political maneuver. Her slogan “Mamata’r Kshamata” is not just a piece of campaign rhetoric—it is a carefully calibrated shift in the electoral conversation. It does not challenge identity; it bypasses it. It asks the voter not who they are, but what they have experienced. This distinction is crucial. Welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar, Kanyashree, and Duare Sarkar are not abstract promises; they are tangible interventions that have entered households and shaped daily lives. For many voters, especially women, these schemes translate into financial support, accessibility, and a sense of state presence. This creates a relationship that is not ideological but experiential. And in politics, lived experience often outweighs theoretical alignment.

The brilliance of “Mamata’r Kshamata” lies in its simplicity and emotional resonance. It does not provoke; it reassures. It does not divide; it consolidates. It subtly reminds the voter that governance is not about grand narratives but about consistent delivery. In an environment saturated with high-pitched rhetoric, this calm assertion of capability stands out. It shifts the electoral battlefield from confrontation to comparison, from identity to performance. And in doing so, it places the BJP in a reactive position, forcing it to counter not just a slogan, but an accumulated record of governance.

To fully grasp the dynamics at play, one must understand Bengal’s electoral ambiance. This is a state where politics is woven into everyday life. Conversations around governance, ideology, and leadership are not confined to elite spaces; they unfold in tea stalls, local trains, college campuses, and neighborhood gatherings. The average voter here is not passive. They engage, question, and evaluate. There is also a strong undercurrent of regional pride, a subtle but powerful resistance to narratives perceived as externally imposed. The BJP, despite its organizational strength, often struggles with this perception. Its leadership and messaging can appear disconnected from Bengal’s socio-cultural rhythm. Mamata Banerjee, on the other hand, is deeply embedded in that rhythm. She is not just a political leader; she is seen as an extension of Bengal’s own identity—flawed, combative, but unmistakably local.

Another factor shaping the current mood is fatigue. Years of relentless campaigning, aggressive rhetoric, and continuous political confrontation have created a sense of saturation among voters. The dramatic no longer shocks; the loud no longer persuades. In such an environment, stability begins to carry weight. Familiarity becomes an asset. The voter starts to prioritize continuity over disruption, especially when that continuity is backed by visible delivery. This is where Mamata’s narrative gains strength. It does not demand attention—it earns acceptance through repetition of experience rather than repetition of slogans.

At the same time, Mamata Banerjee has demonstrated a keen understanding of balance. She has not entirely ceded the space of cultural identity to the BJP. Through selective engagement—be it participation in religious festivals or symbolic gestures—she has ensured that she remains culturally relevant without allowing religion to dominate her political identity. This dual approach enables her to occupy the center ground, a space that is often the most electorally advantageous. While the BJP attempts to pull the discourse toward polarization, Mamata anchors it in governance and emotional connect, preventing the narrative from drifting too far in either direction.

As the election approaches, the contest is no longer about who can mobilize louder crowds or craft sharper slogans. It is about which narrative resonates deeper with Bengal’s layered consciousness. The BJP offers a vision rooted in identity and disruption, seeking to redefine the state’s political trajectory. Mamata offers a narrative of continuity and capability, grounded in lived experience and administrative recall. The choice before the voter is not simplistic; it is a careful weighing of aspiration against assurance.

West Bengal, true to its nature, will not be hurried into a decision. It will deliberate, absorb competing narratives, and then respond in a manner that reflects its unique political temperament. The BJP’s religious card remains significant, but it is no longer decisive on its own. Mamata’s “Kshamata” narrative, while not without challenges, taps into a quieter but more enduring sentiment—the desire for stability, familiarity, and functional governance. In the end, Bengal will not choose between identity and governance in isolation. It will choose a balance that aligns with its own sense of self.

And that is the one constant in Bengal politics—it refuses to be reduced, refuses to be dictated to, and ultimately, refuses to behave like any other state.

Mamata Banerjee Files Nomination from Bhabanipur, Proposers Highlight Constituency’s Diversity

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Mamata Banerjee Files Nomination from Bhabanipur, Proposers Highlight Constituency’s Diversity 4

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday filed her nomination papers from the Bhabanipur Assembly constituency in South Kolkata, with her list of proposers reflecting the area’s diverse and cosmopolitan character.

The proposers named in her nomination include Ismat Hakim, wife of Kolkata Mayor Firhad Hakim, representing the Muslim community; Nishpal Singh Rane, husband of actor and Trinamool Congress MP Koel Mallick, representing the Punjabi community; local TMC leader Bablu Singh, representing Biharis; and Bhabanipur Education Society representative Miraj Shah, representing Gujaratis.

Banerjee began her day from her residence on Harish Chatterjee Street and led a roadshow to the Alipore Survey Building, where she submitted her nomination. She was accompanied by senior party leaders, including Firhad Hakim, her family members, and local representatives, as thousands of supporters gathered along the route.

Speaking to the media after filing her nomination, Banerjee expressed deep emotional ties with the constituency. “My entire life has revolved around Bhabanipur. I have lived here since childhood and will continue to stay here. I bow to the people of Bhabanipur,” she said.

Police deployed security measures and barricaded parts of the route to manage the large crowd during the procession.

The Bhabanipur contest is expected to be closely watched, with Banerjee facing Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, who is also contesting from his stronghold Nandigram in East Midnapore district.

In the 2021 Assembly elections, Adhikari had defeated Banerjee in Nandigram by a narrow margin of less than 2,000 votes. Banerjee later secured victory in a by-election from Bhabanipur, enabling her to continue as Chief Minister for a third consecutive term.

Belgian Court Backs Mehul Choksi’s Extradition to India on 6 Charges

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Belgian Court Backs Mehul Choksi's Extradition to India on 6 Charges 6

The Antwerp Court of Appeal has advised the Belgian government to approve the extradition of fugitive diamantaire Mehul Choksi to India on six of the seven charges against him, marking a significant development in the long-running Punjab National Bank fraud case.

In its April 3 recommendation, the court’s chamber of accusation stated that offences including criminal conspiracy, breach of trust, fraud, forgery of accounts, embezzlement, and criminal misconduct are punishable under Belgian law, thereby meeting the requirement of legal reciprocity for extradition.

However, the court declined to support extradition on the charge of “tampering or destroying evidence”, noting that the offence is not punishable under Belgian law.

As per Belgian procedure, the court’s confidential advice has been forwarded to the government, which will take the final decision on India’s extradition request.

The court also observed that there was no direct evidence linking the Indian government to Choksi’s alleged abduction from Antigua and Barbuda in 2021. It added that claims made by the defence regarding risks of torture, denial of justice, or inhumane treatment were not sufficiently substantiated.

The bench further noted that the charges against Choksi are neither political nor military in nature and are not barred by statutory limitations under either Indian or Belgian law. It also found no indication that he would face discrimination or unfair prosecution in India.

The ruling comes after Belgium’s Court of Cassation had earlier rejected Choksi’s appeal against extradition in connection with the ₹13,000 crore Punjab National Bank scam.

India had formally submitted its extradition request in August 2024, backed by arrest warrants issued by a Mumbai court. Belgian authorities had subsequently validated the enforceability of these warrants, except for the charge related to destruction of evidence.

The court reiterated that Choksi had failed to provide credible proof of a real risk of torture or denial of a fair trial if extradited, while also taking note of assurances given by India regarding his safety, prison conditions, and legal rights.

With the legal process largely cleared, the final decision now lies with the Belgian government, which will determine whether Choksi is extradited to face trial in India.

Indore Court Grants Divorce to Narayan Sai’s Wife, Orders Rs 2 Crore Alimony

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Indore Court Grants Divorce to Narayan Sai’s Wife, Orders Rs 2 Crore Alimony 8

An Indore family court has granted divorce to the wife of jailed rape convict Narayan Sai, directing him to pay ₹2 crore as permanent alimony within three months, her lawyer said.

Narayan Sai, the son of self-styled godman Asaram, is currently serving a life sentence in a rape case and is lodged in a jail in Gujarat’s Surat district.

According to advocate Anuragchandra Goyal, the court’s order dated April 2 formally dissolved the couple’s 18-year marriage. His client, Janaki Harpalani, had filed for divorce in 2018, alleging mental cruelty and other grounds, and had sought ₹5 crore as maintenance.

Goyal said that despite Narayan Sai contesting the allegations, the petitioner presented substantial documentary evidence in support of her claims during the proceedings.

“After hearing both sides, the court accepted the petition and directed Narayan Sai to pay ₹2 crore as permanent maintenance to Janaki within three months,” the lawyer said.

The couple married in 2008 and have no children. During earlier hearings, Narayan Sai was produced before the family court under heavy security to record his statement.

The court had previously ordered him in 2018 to pay a monthly maintenance of ₹50,000. However, the petitioner’s lawyer stated that no payments were made over the past eight years.

The ruling brings closure to a long-pending legal dispute, while also enforcing a significant financial settlement in favour of the petitioner.

Dharmendra Pradhan Accuses TMC of Misusing Central Funds, Claims Bengal Education ‘Ruined’

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Dharmendra Pradhan Accuses TMC of Misusing Central Funds, Claims Bengal Education 'Ruined' 10

Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan on Tuesday accused the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government in West Bengal of diverting central funds meant for education towards party activities, claiming that the state’s education system has been severely damaged.

Speaking to the media in Kolkata after offering prayers at Kalighat temple along with BJP candidate Swapan Dasgupta, Pradhan alleged that funds allocated for schemes such as mid-day meals, textbooks, and school uniforms were misused.

“The central government provided funds for mid-day meals, books and dresses, but the money was diverted towards party activities. Education in Bengal has been destroyed,” he said.

Pradhan further claimed that West Bengal’s rich academic legacy, shaped by icons like Swami Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tagore, has deteriorated due to decades of “misrule”, referring to both the Left Front’s long tenure and the current TMC government led by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.

The ruling TMC strongly rejected the allegations, calling them baseless, and countered by accusing the Centre of withholding nearly ₹2 lakh crore in dues meant for welfare schemes in the state.

The Union minister also raised concerns about the teacher recruitment process, alleging that it has either stalled or been affected by corruption.

Expressing confidence in the BJP’s prospects in the upcoming Assembly elections, Pradhan said his party’s campaign is focused on ensuring a “fear-free Bengal”, with emphasis on job creation and women’s safety.

On voter roll revisions, he questioned the inclusion of alleged infiltrators, asking whose votes should determine the state’s future.

West Bengal will go to the polls in two phases on April 23 and April 29, with counting scheduled for May 4.

SC’s 9-Judge Bench Begins Hearing on Women’s Entry in Religious Places, Sabarimala in Focus

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SC’s 9-Judge Bench Begins Hearing on Women’s Entry in Religious Places, Sabarimala in Focus 12

A nine-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court on Tuesday began hearing petitions related to alleged discrimination against women at religious places, including the Sabarimala temple, while also examining the broader scope of religious freedom under the Constitution.

The bench, headed by Chief Justice Surya Kant and comprising eight other judges, is dealing with key constitutional questions arising from the Sabarimala case and similar issues across religions.

Ahead of the hearing, the Centre submitted its written arguments, urging the court to uphold restrictions on the entry of women of menstruating age into the Sabarimala temple. It argued that the matter falls within the domain of religious faith and denominational autonomy, and is beyond the scope of judicial intervention.

The case traces back to the Supreme Court’s 2018 verdict, where a five-judge bench, by a 4:1 majority, had lifted the ban on the entry of women aged between 10 and 50 at the shrine, declaring the practice unconstitutional. However, in 2019, another Constitution bench referred the matter to a larger bench, noting that similar issues arise across multiple religions and require a comprehensive examination.

The present bench is also considering related questions, including the entry of Muslim women into mosques and dargahs, and the rights of Parsi women married to non-Parsi men to access religious places.

The court is expected to deliberate on several key constitutional issues, including the scope of the right to freedom of religion under Article 25, the relationship between individual rights and the rights of religious denominations under Article 26, and whether such rights are subject to other fundamental rights.

It will also examine the meaning of “morality” within constitutional provisions, the extent of judicial review in religious matters, and whether individuals outside a religious group can challenge its practices through public interest litigation.

The hearing, which began on April 7, is expected to continue until April 22. The outcome is likely to have far-reaching implications for balancing religious practices with gender equality and constitutional rights in India.

91 Lakh Names Deleted from Bengal Voter Rolls After Revision Exercise

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91 Lakh Names Deleted from Bengal Voter Rolls After Revision Exercise 14

Nearly 91 lakh names have been removed from West Bengal’s electoral rolls following the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, according to data released by the Election Commission.

The revision process, which began in November last year, initially led to the deletion of 63.66 lakh names—around 8.3 per cent of the electorate—bringing down the voter base from approximately 7.66 crore to just over 7.04 crore. Subsequent scrutiny has pushed the total deletions to around 90.83 lakh.

A significant portion of the electorate had been placed under the “under adjudication” category during the revision. Out of 60.06 lakh such voters, over 27.16 lakh names were deleted following verification by judicial officers, while more than 32.68 lakh were retained and included in the final rolls.

Election Commission officials stated that the exercise was conducted in a phased and transparent manner, with district-wise data made publicly available to ensure accountability. Data for 59.84 lakh of the adjudicated cases has already been published, while the remaining cases are pending procedural formalities such as e-signatures.

Officials indicated that minor changes in the final figures may occur once pending formalities are completed, but any further inclusion of voters will be subject to legal provisions and directions from competent authorities.

With the publication of the final supplementary list, electoral rolls for the first phase of the West Bengal Assembly elections have been frozen in accordance with election norms. A total of 152 out of 294 seats will go to polls on April 23, while the remaining 142 constituencies will vote on April 29. Rolls for the second phase are set to be frozen on April 9.

The Election Commission clarified that no further additions can be made to the voter list at this stage unless directed otherwise by the Supreme Court, which is scheduled to hear matters related to the revision process on April 13.

When Politics Becomes a Circus: Noise, Narratives, and the Truth Behind the Madhu Kishwar Controversy

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When Politics Becomes a Circus: Noise, Narratives, and the Truth Behind the Madhu Kishwar Controversy 16

Let’s get one thing straight—politics is not a poetry contest where the loudest voice wins. It’s a battlefield of narratives, and right now, what we’re witnessing is less of a debate and more of a full-blown circus.

To understand the current controversy, you first need to know who Madhu Kishwar is. She is not a random commentator or a fringe voice. Kishwar has long been part of India’s intellectual ecosystem—an academic, a public thinker, and someone who once positioned herself close to nationalist discourse. In fact, she was among those who openly supported Narendra Modi during his rise, especially around 2014. That’s precisely why her recent statements are drawing attention—because criticism from within always carries more weight than attacks from outside.

Now, what exactly is happening? Kishwar has suggested that Modi may have been pressured or influenced through sensitive files, allegedly shown by a senior bureaucrat from the previous regime. Whether this claim is true or speculative, it has ignited a storm. But here’s where the real game begins.

The Indian National Congress, which has struggled to directly counter Modi politically, has found unexpected comfort in this situation. Ironically, even if the allegations trace back to individuals or systems from their own time in power, the mere possibility that it dents Modi’s image is enough reason for celebration. That’s modern politics in a nutshell—if mud is flying, it doesn’t matter who threw it, as long as it sticks to the opponent.

But let’s not get carried away by noise. The claim about “blackmail” through files is serious. It leads us to only two logical possibilities. Either it is true—in which case it reflects a deeply troubling institutional failure where even the highest office can be compromised—or it is unverified narrative-building, a political strike designed to weaken perception without concrete proof. There is no comfortable middle ground here.

This naturally raises the question—should Modi resign “with dignity”? That sounds noble, but politics doesn’t run on poetic morality. Resignation is not a gesture of sensitivity; it is a consequence of proven accountability. If there is credible evidence that a sitting Prime Minister has been compromised, then stepping down becomes necessary to protect institutional integrity. But if accusations are floating without substantiation, then resignation becomes surrender—and in politics, surrender is not admired, it is exploited.

This is exactly where the Bharatiya Janata Party must step up. Silence, in such moments, is not strategic—it is dangerous. If Modi is innocent, the party must respond with clarity, not ambiguity. Facts must be placed on the table. Allegations must be challenged directly. And if necessary, legal recourse should be taken against those spreading unverified claims. Because in today’s environment, silence is quickly interpreted as weakness, if not admission.

What makes this entire episode even more disturbing is the descent into personal territory. When political discourse shifts from policies to private lives, from governance to gossip, it signals intellectual bankruptcy. The moment conversations begin revolving around bedrooms instead of boardrooms, you know the debate has collapsed.

There is also a strange tendency to drag historical and spiritual figures into contemporary politics. Names like Mahatma Gandhi, Swami Vivekananda, and Adi Shankaracharya are invoked as benchmarks. This is not just misplaced—it is fundamentally flawed. These figures belong to a different plane of thought and legacy. Trying to measure modern politicians against them is like comparing a candle to the sun. It neither elevates the politician nor does justice to the legacy of those icons.

The same applies to the debate around personal life—whether a leader is married, unmarried, or follows any particular lifestyle. History is full of great figures across the spectrum—kings with multiple wives, ascetics who renounced everything, and leaders who lived ordinary family lives. None of that defines their capability to lead. Governance is judged by decisions, outcomes, and accountability—not by personal choices that have no bearing on public duty.

And then comes the larger distraction—the obsession with global scandals like the Epstein case being loosely dragged into Indian political conversations. If crimes of that magnitude exist anywhere, they are not political talking points—they are matters of justice that demand serious, impartial investigation. But what we often see instead is selective outrage, where one side weaponizes it against the other, and the truth gets buried under layers of agenda.

At its core, this entire episode is not about Madhu Kishwar, nor is it about Subramanian Swamy or any individual critic. It is about how narratives are manufactured, amplified, and consumed. One narrative tries to project Modi as strong and uncompromising. The other attempts to paint him as pressured or compromised. And in the end, the version that the public believes becomes the dominant reality—regardless of the actual truth.

That is the real battlefield today—not policy, not ideology, but perception.

The harsh truth is this: if every day brings a new allegation, a new controversy, a new spectacle, then democracy risks turning into a 24/7 drama show. Serious issues get sidelined, and the public is left reacting to noise instead of engaging with substance.

If there are genuine allegations, they must be investigated thoroughly and transparently. If someone is guilty, they must face consequences—no matter how powerful they are. But if claims are being thrown around without evidence, then they deserve to be called out for what they are—reckless attempts to destabilize through insinuation.

Because when everything becomes a scandal, nothing remains serious.

And that is how a democracy slowly turns into a circus—loud, chaotic, and dangerously distracting.

From Bihar’s Hinterland to Healthcare Supply Networks: Suraj Kumar’s Quiet Rise Built on Systems

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From Bihar's Hinterland to Healthcare Supply Networks: Suraj Kumar's Quiet Rise Built on Systems 18

In a sector where reliability can directly impact outcomes, Suraj Kumar’s journey into India’s healthcare supply chain stands out for its grounded, process-driven approach. At a time when entrepreneurship is often associated with rapid scale and visibility, his trajectory reflects a slower, more deliberate model—one built on consistency rather than noise.

Raised in Dhamaul village in Bihar’s Nawada district, Kumar’s early life was shaped by modest means but steady ambition. After completing his engineering education at Centurion University of Technology and Management, he spent a brief period in the corporate sector. The experience offered insight into structured operations, but he chose to step away from a conventional path to pursue entrepreneurship—an uncertain route, particularly for first-generation founders.

He went on to establish Osmdudes Pvt Ltd and Bombaim Essentials Pvt Ltd, focusing on the supply of surgical and healthcare products. In an industry where even minor lapses can carry serious consequences, the companies have grown by emphasizing disciplined sourcing, stringent quality checks, and dependable logistics. Rather than scaling aggressively, the focus has remained on building systems that can sustain trust over time.

Today, supported by a team of over two dozen professionals, the business serves clients across India and has begun exploring select international markets. The expansion, while measured, suggests a strategy anchored in operational strength rather than short-term visibility.

Parallel to his core business, Kumar has also ventured into digital content through podcast platforms, hosting conversations with professionals across industries—from entertainment and politics to healthcare and administration. With over 60 episodes recorded, the initiative reflects a growing trend among entrepreneurs to build influence through dialogue and knowledge-sharing, extending their reach beyond traditional business boundaries.

His journey underscores a broader shift in India’s entrepreneurial landscape: success in critical sectors is increasingly defined not by how fast one grows, but by how reliably one delivers. In that sense, Kumar’s path serves as a reminder that enduring businesses are rarely built on momentum alone—they are built on discipline, systems, and the patience to get the fundamentals right.

Sunetra Pawar to File Baramati Bypoll Nomination on April 6, Top Leaders to Attend

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Sunetra Pawar to File Baramati Bypoll Nomination on April 6, Top Leaders to Attend 20

Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister and NCP president Sunetra Pawar will file her nomination on April 6 for the Baramati Assembly by-election in Pune district, party sources said on Friday.

The bypoll, scheduled for April 23, was necessitated following the death of her husband and former Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar in a plane crash on January 28. Sunetra Pawar, currently a Rajya Sabha member, is set to contest from the family stronghold.

According to party sources, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde are expected to be present during the filing of her nomination papers, which will take place after a public meeting in Baramati.

Ajit Pawar, an eight-time MLA from Baramati, had maintained a strong political hold over the constituency. He secured a record victory margin of 1.65 lakh votes in the 2019 Assembly elections and retained the seat in 2024 with a margin exceeding one lakh votes.

While the Sharad Pawar-led NCP (SP) has announced that it will not contest the bypoll, its ally Congress has indicated that it may field a candidate, ensuring a contest in the constituency.

Sunetra Pawar assumed office as Deputy Chief Minister on January 31 and was unanimously elected as NCP president on February 26.

Alongside Baramati, the Rahuri Assembly seat in Ahilyanagar district will also go to polls on April 23 following the death of BJP MLA Shivaji Kardile.