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Family of Delhi Blast Suspect Umar Nabi Says “Can’t Believe He Could Be Involved in Terror Activities”

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Family of Delhi Blast Suspect Umar Nabi Says "Can't Believe He Could Be Involved in Terror Activities" 2

The family of Dr. Umar Nabi, the man suspected to be behind the Delhi blast near Red Fort Metro Station, said they are in disbelief over allegations linking him to terror activities.

Dr. Nabi, a resident of Koil village in Pulwama, Jammu and Kashmir, was allegedly driving the Hyundai i20 car used in Monday’s blast near the metro station’s parking area, which left at least 12 people dead, officials said.

Speaking to reporters, his sister-in-law Muzamil said Umar had always been a quiet and academically focused person. “He was an introvert since childhood, with few friends. He devoted himself to his studies and work,” she said. “He was working as faculty at a college in Faridabad. Just last Friday, he called to say he was busy with examinations and would return home in three days. We can’t believe this news — it’s shocking.”

Muzamil added that the family struggled for years to ensure Umar received a good education and could support himself. “He was never the kind of person to get involved in such things,” she insisted, recalling that Umar had last visited Kashmir two months ago.

Meanwhile, Delhi Police’s preliminary findings suggest the blast involved ammonium nitrate, fuel oil, and detonators, linking it to a terror module uncovered in Faridabad, where authorities had seized 2,900 kg of explosive material earlier this month. “Final forensic reports are awaited,” a police source said.

An FIR has been registered under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the Explosives Act, with sections pertaining to conspiracy and punishment for acts of terrorism.

The Union Home Ministry has handed over the case to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which will now probe the alleged terror links and possible network behind the Red Fort metro blast, one of the deadliest explosions in the capital in recent years.

The Karna Syndrome: When Brilliance Turns Against Its Own Roots

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The Karna Syndrome: When Brilliance Turns Against Its Own Roots 4

There’s a certain tragic pattern that repeats itself through history — a pattern that might well be called the Karna Syndrome. It is not just a mythological symbol but a living political phenomenon that re-emerges whenever a man, convinced of his own brilliance, begins to believe that he alone defines discipline, truth, and power. Such a person may rise high, shake the system, even appear invincible for a while — but eventually, he ends up isolated, misused by others, and consumed by his own ego. He can disturb, yes — but he can never truly defeat the system that gave him birth.

Look at modern India, and this syndrome shows its face in several forms. You see it in people like Subramanian Swamy, Prashant Kishor, Shatrughan Sinha, Yashwant Sinha — men once celebrated within the Bharatiya Janata Party ecosystem, now adrift, neither here nor there. You see it even in Narendra Modi himself, who at one point appeared to have detached from the very collective discipline that created his rise, leaning instead on the weight of his personal image. And when you begin to detach from your own foundation, when self-belief begins to overshadow collective wisdom, that’s when Karna Syndrome starts to show its cracks.

Let’s start from the roots of the idea. In the Mahabharata, Karna was a warrior of unmatched skill and courage. Born of Kunti but abandoned at birth, he grew up away from his true lineage, denied his rightful place among the Pandavas. Out of loyalty and gratitude, he allied himself with Duryodhana — a man who recognized his talent but also used him as a weapon against his own brothers. Karna’s tragedy was not his lack of ability; it was his misplaced faith and his disconnection from his origin. He believed in his own discipline, in his own code of honor, so fiercely that he ignored where he truly belonged. That self-imposed exile defined his destiny. He could fight the greatest battles, but he could never win the war for himself.

In today’s political arena, the same script unfolds with startling familiarity. Subramanian Swamy — an intellectual powerhouse, an economist, and a fighter — built his reputation alongside the very ideology that shaped modern Hindu politics. Yet, his repeated clashes with his own party leadership reveal a man caught between brilliance and bitterness. He is a classic case of the Karna Syndrome — convinced that his intellect alone is the final truth, dismissing the need for collective discipline. He can wound with his words, expose weaknesses, and create tremors within the system, but he can’t defeat it because he long severed his roots with the very institution that gave him a platform.

Prashant Kishor, on the other hand, carries a different version of the same ailment. He began as a strategist within the BJP camp, a brain behind successful campaigns. Over time, he built his own brand — a one-man political consultancy machine that promised to outsmart every party, ideology, and structure. He started believing that his formula could replace conviction, that data could substitute roots. But politics is not a math problem; it’s a living organism built on trust, loyalty, and belonging. In Bihar, where he now seeks to play his biggest gamble, this syndrome might come to claim its next victim. Because in Bihar’s soil, politics still demands a connection to the heartland — not just clever arithmetic. If you lose touch with the people, if you float too far above the ground, you become just another ambitious outsider, eventually crushed between factions and forgotten when the dust settles.

What’s striking is that even a leader as powerful as Narendra Modi wasn’t immune to shades of this syndrome before the 2024 election. Over the years, his image grew larger than the party, larger than the ideology, larger even than the collective wisdom of his peers. The BJP, once a disciplined cadre-based organisation built on teamwork, slowly began to revolve around one man’s aura. Modi’s discipline became the only discipline. That concentration of power brought him unmatched dominance — but it also created fractures. In believing that his own style was the final word, he unintentionally created dozens of smaller Karnas — ambitious men who thought they too could rise purely on their personal discipline, without loyalty to the collective. They sprouted inside and outside the party, from Shatrughan Sinha to Yashwant Sinha to even Kishor and Swamy, each convinced they could fight their own battles, free of the mother structure that nurtured them.

The irony is sharp: these men drew their strength from the very party or ideology they later rebelled against. Their identity was born in that soil — like Karna born of Kunti — yet they turned their energies against it, often aligning with rivals or critics who were too happy to use their rebellion as ammunition. They became tools in someone else’s fight, believing all the while that they were masters of their destiny. But like Karna, their loyalty to a borrowed cause never brought them peace. You can lend your sword to another side, but if your roots are elsewhere, you will always stand alone in the battlefield.

And this loneliness shows. Swamy, once a giant in intellectual politics, now fights his battles on social media, ignored by the system he helped shape. Shatrughan Sinha, once a fiery voice of rebellion, now echoes clichés in borrowed platforms. Yashwant Sinha, once a respected finance minister, turned critic and faded into irrelevance after switching sides. Each one is an example of how the Karna Syndrome ends — not with defeat by others, but with defeat by disconnection. The tragedy isn’t betrayal; it’s isolation.

Even Prashant Kishor, who now projects himself as Bihar’s independent messiah, seems to be walking into the same trap. He believes he can out-think every party, that his data-driven discipline will triumph over ideology. But Bihar’s political landscape doesn’t reward outsiders — it rewards belonging. He may shake the tree, but he cannot change its roots. When the election dust settles, he might discover that Bihar is not a chessboard; it’s a pulse, a sentiment, a legacy. And those who play against their own origins rarely win the long game.

The Karna Syndrome also explains a subtler danger within Indian politics — the slow erosion of rootedness. When individuals begin to think they alone define the movement, they hollow out the very institutions that made them powerful. They create noise, not continuity. They draw applause, not allegiance. And soon, they find themselves surrounded not by comrades, but by opportunists — people who will cheer them while they rise and vanish when they fall. This cycle is repeating today with eerie precision: too many stars, too little sky.

You mentioned that Modi himself, at one point, seemed to embody the same syndrome that produced his critics. Indeed, his belief in his personal discipline — his unshakeable image, his method of command — became the defining feature of his rule. But leadership divorced from the collective eventually begins to wobble. When the same self-belief that built a leader becomes too absolute, it isolates him from the very base that sustained him. What follows is the rise of internal dissent, the birth of new mini-Karnas, and a sense of drift both within and beyond borders. Once personal pride replaces collective identity, decline begins — not always visible immediately, but inevitable in time.

And when such a decline sets in at the top, it trickles down through the ranks. The leader’s detachment legitimises individual detachment. The system starts producing replicas of himself — people who speak his language but follow their own ambitions. The discipline that once united the movement now fragments into competing egos. The faithful turn cynical, the opportunists take charge, and the movement begins to lose its moral gravity. This isn’t just politics — it’s psychology. When self-belief becomes arrogance, it stops inspiring and starts isolating.

That is why the “Karna Syndrome” is not just about individuals — it’s about a culture. A culture that forgets the sanctity of roots. A culture that mistakes self-confidence for self-sufficiency. A culture that believes one’s personal code is greater than the collective destiny. Such a mindset can shake systems, create temporary storms, even alter narratives — but it cannot build lasting order. Because real power comes not from standing apart, but from standing rooted.

And when this syndrome spreads too deep, it threatens more than just parties or politicians — it threatens the dignity of national discourse itself. When men who were once torchbearers of certain ideals start fighting against their own origins, they weaken not just themselves, but the moral spine of the institutions they once represented. In such moments, even the opposition should not remain silent. Because when internal disintegration begins, when ego starts to eat ideology, the consequences ripple beyond partisan lines. It’s no longer a party problem — it’s a national problem. It’s a question of self-respect and sovereignty. A house divided from within can be invaded from without, and silence becomes complicity.

The lesson of Karna, then, is timeless. Talent, intellect, and strength are never enough without rootedness. You can fight brilliantly, but if you forget where you belong, you will eventually fall — not because you lacked ability, but because you lost alignment. Karna was brave, generous, loyal — yet all that nobility couldn’t save him once he severed his link with his truth. His tragedy wasn’t written by fate; it was written by dislocation.

In today’s politics, we are seeing too many modern Karnas — intelligent, ambitious, capable — but torn away from their origins, wandering in search of validation, often from the very forces they once opposed. They create tremors, yes. They make noise. But in the long run, they fade, one by one. Their fall isn’t dramatic — it’s quiet, lonely, inevitable.

Prashant Kishor’s upcoming Bihar election may well be the next chapter of that story. Like every Karna, he believes his own discipline will rewrite destiny. But history has a way of humbling such men. Karna Syndrome, as we know it, never fails to punish brilliance without belonging.So yes — they may disturb, they may challenge, they may even appear unstoppable for a while. But they cannot defeat the order that gave them birth. Because in the end, roots are stronger than rebellion, and loyalty.

Winter Session of Parliament to Begin on December 1, Conclude on December 19

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Winter Session of Parliament to Begin on December 1, Conclude on December 19 6

The Winter Session of Parliament will begin on December 1 and conclude on December 19, according to an official announcement approved by President Droupadi Murmu on Saturday.

Minister of Parliamentary Affairs Kiren Rijiju confirmed the schedule, stating, “The President of India, Droupadi Murmu, has approved the proposal of the Government to convene the Winter Session of Parliament from December 1, 2025, to December 19, 2025 (subject to exigencies of Parliamentary business).”

Rijiju expressed hope for productive discussions, saying, “Looking forward to a constructive and meaningful session that strengthens our democracy and serves the aspirations of the people.”

The Monsoon Session, which ended on August 21, was marked by heated exchanges between the ruling NDA and the Opposition over several issues, including the Pahalgam terror attack, Operation Sindoor, and the government’s handling of losses suffered by security forces. Despite frequent disruptions, 15 bills were passed during that session.

The session also saw uproar over the revision of electoral rolls in poll-bound Bihar, with Opposition MPs staging protests, tearing copies of bills, and clashing with the Treasury benches.

Adding to the political turmoil, Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned unexpectedly on the opening day of the monsoon session, citing health reasons. His sudden exit two years before completing his term triggered sharp political reactions and speculation across party lines.

The upcoming winter session is expected to witness intense discussions on key legislative priorities, including economic reforms, national security, and electoral issues, as the government and Opposition gear up for a politically charged debate ahead of the 2026 budget session.

TN Raj Bhavan Refutes Delay Allegations, Says 81% Assembly Bills Cleared by Governor Ravi

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TN Raj Bhavan Refutes Delay Allegations, Says 81% Assembly Bills Cleared by Governor Ravi 8

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The Tamil Nadu Raj Bhavan on Thursday dismissed allegations that Governor R N Ravi was deliberately delaying his assent to Bills passed by the State Assembly, asserting that 81% of all Bills received had already been approved.

In a detailed statement issued on November 7, the Raj Bhavan termed the claims “unfounded and factually incorrect,” adding that the Governor has been acting “strictly in accordance with the Constitution” and without any political bias.

“As of October 31, 81% of the total Bills received have been assented to by the Governor, and 95 of these were cleared within three months,” the statement said. It further noted that 13% of the Bills were reserved for Presidential consideration, of which 60% were on the recommendation of the State Government itself. The remaining Bills, received only in the last week of October 2025, are still under review.

Rejecting allegations circulating on social media and public forums, the Raj Bhavan clarified that all Bills returned by the Governor and re-passed by the Assembly had since received assent. However, ten Bills were withheld after being found inconsistent with University Grants Commission (UGC) regulations, and were later reserved for the President’s consideration when resubmitted.

The statement emphasised that the Governor examines every Bill “with due diligence” to ensure that all legislation conforms to the Constitution and protects public interest. “The Governor has always acted transparently and fairly, performing his constitutional duties with sincerity and without political considerations,” it said.

Reaffirming the Governor’s respect for Tamil Nadu’s people and culture, the Raj Bhavan said R N Ravi “holds the highest regard for Tamil heritage, art, and literature” and continues to support initiatives that promote the state’s spiritual, cultural, and linguistic identity within the framework of the Constitution of India.

Wadettiwar Alleges Minister Pratap Sarnaik Bought Rs 200-Crore Land for Just Rs 3 Crore; Sarnaik Denies Charge

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Wadettiwar Alleges Minister Pratap Sarnaik Bought Rs 200-Crore Land for Just Rs 3 Crore; Sarnaik Denies Charge 10

Congress leader Vijay Wadettiwar on Saturday (November 8, 2025) alleged that Maharashtra Minister Pratap Sarnaik purchased a four-acre land parcel worth ₹200 crore in Mira Bhayandar for just ₹3 crore to establish an educational institute — a charge the minister has strongly denied, demanding proof of the claim.

The allegations come amid ongoing controversy surrounding Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar’s son Parth Pawar, whose firm’s ₹300-crore land deal in Pune’s Mundhwa area was recently cancelled after questions were raised over missing clearances.

Addressing the media, Wadettiwar claimed that the State Transport Minister acquired prime land near Mumbai at an “unbelievably low price,” adding that such transactions reflected the current state of governance in Maharashtra.

“Can a minister procure such valuable land for his personal educational institute? If this is permissible, then we might as well accept that this is Maharashtra under their rule,” Wadettiwar said, lashing out at the ruling government.

In response, Pratap Sarnaik dismissed the allegations as baseless and politically motivated. “Wadettiwar is a senior Congress leader, and I expect him to show documents to back his claims. I am unaware of any such land or connection to me. Ministers often face such unfounded accusations,” he said.

Revenue Minister Chandrashekhar Bawankule, reacting to the controversy, said no formal complaint had been received regarding the allegation. “These leaders prefer making accusations through the media rather than submitting proper complaints. If a formal complaint is filed, we will initiate an inquiry. Look at the recent Pune case — once it was officially raised, the state government immediately ordered a probe,” Bawankule stated.

The latest accusation has added to a series of high-profile land controversies in Maharashtra, sparking political tensions as opposition parties intensify their attacks on the Mahayuti government ahead of the upcoming local body polls.

Pune Land Deal Row: Parth Pawar’s Firm to Pay Rs 42 Crore in Double Stamp Duty for Sale Deed Cancellation

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Pune Land Deal Row: Parth Pawar's Firm to Pay Rs 42 Crore in Double Stamp Duty for Sale Deed Cancellation 12

The Pune land deal controversy involving Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar’s son Parth Pawar has taken a new turn, with officials confirming that Amadea Enterprises LLP — the firm co-owned by Parth and his cousin Digvijay Amarsinh Patil — will now have to pay double stamp duty amounting to ₹42 crore to cancel the sale deed.

According to the Department of Registration and Stamps, the company must pay the original 7% stamp duty (5% under the Maharashtra Stamp Act, 1% Local Body Tax, and 1% Metro Cess) that was waived earlier, as well as an additional 7% duty to execute the cancellation deed. Officials stated that the exemption was granted after Amadea claimed it was setting up a data centre on the land, but the cancellation deed now clarifies that the plan has been dropped.

The disputed land spans 40 acres in Pune’s upscale Mundhwa area and was purchased for ₹300 crore. Opposition leaders have alleged that the actual market value of the land was ₹1,800 crore, sparking demands for a full probe. The sale deed, executed in May this year, came under scrutiny after it was revealed that the land belonged to the Maharashtra government and that the stamp duty had allegedly been waived in collusion with a sub-registrar.

Following an internal inquiry, the Pimpri Chinchwad Police registered an FIR against Digvijay Patil, Shital Tejwani (who represented 272 landowners via power of attorney), and sub-registrar R. B. Taru for misappropriation and cheating.

Ajit Pawar, addressing the controversy on Friday, stated that his son Parth was unaware the land was government-owned, adding that the ₹300 crore deal had been cancelled. “If any irregularities are found, due process will follow,” he said.

Joint Sub-Registrar A. P. Fulaware confirmed in his order that the deficit stamp duty and penalty must be deposited with the Stamps Collector, Pune City, before the cancellation is processed. “The cancellation deed will only be executed after full payment of the required duties,” the official noted.

Joint Inspector General of Stamps and Registration Rajendra Muthe further explained that the earlier exemption claim under the pretext of establishing a data centre was invalid. “Upon scrutiny, it was found that such exemption cannot be granted. Hence, the firm must pay 7% stamp duty for the sale deed and another 7% for its cancellation,” he said.

The total payable stamp duty now stands at ₹42 crore, marking another major development in what has become one of Maharashtra’s most high-profile land deal controversies in recent months.

Massive Fire Guts 500 Shanties in Delhi’s Rohini; One Dead, Another Injured

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Massive Fire Guts 500 Shanties in Delhi’s Rohini; One Dead, Another Injured 14

A massive fire broke out late Friday night near Rithala Metro Station in Delhi’s Rohini, engulfing around 500 shanties and leaving one man dead and another injured, officials from the Delhi Fire Services (DFS) confirmed.

According to police, the blaze spread rapidly after multiple LPG cylinders exploded, causing chaos and panic among residents who rushed to save their belongings and escape the flames.

Eyewitnesses reported thick plumes of smoke rising across the night sky as the fire tore through the densely populated slum cluster. Fire officials said preliminary estimates indicate that 400 to 500 huts were completely gutted in the blaze.

The DFS control room received a distress call at 10:56 pm, following which several fire tenders and firefighting robots were dispatched to the site. Police quickly cordoned off the area, while additional fire engines were placed on standby to prevent the flames from spreading further.

The fire was brought under control by early Saturday morning, officials said. The deceased was identified as Munna, while another man, Rajesh, sustained burn injuries and was rushed to a nearby hospital for treatment.

Authorities have launched an investigation to determine the cause of the fire, while teams from the disaster management and local administration are assisting affected families who lost their homes and possessions in the tragedy.

Bihar Votes Again: Where Democracy Wears a Gamcha and Laughs at Its Own Promises

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Bihar Votes Again: Where Democracy Wears a Gamcha and Laughs at Its Own Promises 16

Ah, Bihar — the land where politics isn’t just an event, it’s theatre. And this election season, the stage is set bigger, louder, and a whole lot more unpredictable than ever before. The first phase of voting on November 6 saw history being made — or at least rewritten with a more enthusiastic pen. A record voter turnout of around 65% showed that Biharis have decided not just to sit back and watch the drama unfold; they’re now writing the script themselves. Considering this is the state that once gave India Chanakya, it’s only fair that strategy and street-smartness run in the DNA.

With 121 constituencies spread across 18 districts, the voters of Bihar braved the November dust, chaos, and political promises that could put a Bollywood script writer to shame. The Election Commission, for once, deserves a round of applause — the SIR (Special Intensive Revision) of electoral rolls had zero appeals, and this time, they claim, the voter list is as pure as Ganga jal (though we’ll let you decide which part of Ganga). For a state where politics and caste have been lifelong companions, the idea of a clean roll is almost revolutionary — like finding punctuality in Indian Railways.

Let’s talk about the ruling alliance — the BJP and JD(U), that long and occasionally awkward marriage of convenience between Narendra Modi’s juggernaut and Nitish Kumar’s ever-evolving political conscience. It’s like watching a couple who’ve been together so long, they don’t even bother pretending anymore. The chemistry’s gone, but the compulsion remains — for power, for survival, and for that one last round of governance glory.

And yet, Bihar’s electorate, those 74 million souls — more than the entire population of France — have never been easy to fool. They’ve heard it all: development, employment, women’s safety, youth empowerment, even free Wi-Fi. But they’ve also seen their young migrate to other states in droves, their rivers flood every year, and their infrastructure swings between potholes and election promises. Bihar’s biggest export continues to be manpower, not manufacturing. Every Bihari family has at least one son or daughter working in Delhi, Mumbai, or Dubai — while home remains a place of nostalgia, and unkept political promises.

Meanwhile, the Election Commission’s attempts at modernization — colored candidate photos on EVMs, phone deposit facilities, and even wheelchairs and e-rickshaws for elderly voters — deserve some credit. For once, voting didn’t feel like an endurance test. It was an event. There were Jeevika women volunteers ensuring order, and queues that actually moved. Miracles do happen — in Bihar, they just need polling day to occur.

Now, on to the circus — sorry, the campaign trail. Prime Minister Modi’s rallies, as usual, are less about Bihar and more about reaffirming his connection with the masses — the charisma still works, the crowd still cheers, and the opposition still fumes. On the other hand, Rahul Gandhi, the eternal underdog of Indian politics, promised to “prove to Gen Z” that Modi’s rise was based on “election manipulation.” Ah, the irony — if elections are manipulated, one wonders how Rahul still finds the courage to contest them every time.

Then there’s Prashant Kishor — Bihar’s very own political scientist turned political sage. Once the architect of others’ victories, he now plays the critic, taunting BJP’s Samrat Chaudhary for boasting too much and doing too little. Kishor’s advice to Samrat was sharp: win your own seat before counting the NDA’s chickens. Fair point. After all, Bihar’s politics is not about what Delhi thinks, it’s about who controls Tarapur and how many crowds you can actually gather without free biryani.

The Lok Janshakti Party’s Arun Bharti, meanwhile, dusted off some history books to remind everyone that Bihar was once an economic powerhouse — producing 60% of India’s coal, 40% of its sugar, and a fair amount of intellectuals. “Congress ruined it all,” he thundered, blaming the infamous Freight Equalisation Policy that stripped Bihar of its industrial advantage. Hard to argue there — Bihar’s decline was less an accident and more a long bureaucratic murder, carried out slowly, file by file.

And in this theatre of the absurd, we have Mukesh Sahani, VIP chief and Mahagathbandhan’s Deputy CM candidate, cracking one-liners after an attack on Deputy CM Vijay Sinha’s convoy. “They’re suffering from the Bihar they created,” he said, proving that in Bihar politics, sarcasm is the new diplomacy. For a man nicknamed “Son of Mallah,” Sahani knows how to steer a boat through political storms — and he’s smelling a wave of change. Or at least he hopes the wave doesn’t capsize halfway through.

Bihar’s voters, however, are playing it close to the chest. Women, especially, have emerged as the quiet game-changers. Their turnout has been consistently higher than men’s, their concerns more practical — safety, education, employment, dignity. Every party now chants the “nari shakti” mantra, but Bihar’s women have seen more slogans than solutions. Congress promises monthly allowances, BJP talks of empowerment schemes, and Nitish Kumar reminds them of prohibition — though everyone knows liquor still flows, just with better delivery options.

The larger story, however, goes beyond local seats and alliances. This election is a referendum on political will. Bihar is the test lab of Indian democracy — if governance can work here, it can work anywhere. And yet, decades later, the state still oscillates between hope and heartbreak. Infrastructure crawls, jobs vanish, and crime remains an uninvited guest at every political celebration. The young Bihari, educated but unemployed, looks at politics with the same mix of faith and frustration that one reserves for Indian customer service — “maybe this time, they’ll actually do something.”

Nitish Kumar, now a veteran of every political permutation possible, finds himself fighting fatigue — not of age, but of credibility. The once-iconic “Sushasan Babu” image has faded into bureaucratic beige. Even his allies struggle to defend him with enthusiasm. The opposition, led by Tejashwi Yadav, capitalizes on youth and nostalgia — a strange mix that somehow resonates in the land of contradictions. Tejashwi talks about jobs and development, but the shadow of Lalu-era chaos still lingers. Bihar has long memories — and longer scars.

As for the voters — they’re not naïve. They’ve learned to separate drama from delivery, speeches from substance. They know that whoever wins will promise the moon and deliver maybe a lamp post. But still, they show up, vote, and hope. Because Bihar, for all its struggles, never gives up on democracy. It still believes that change can come — if not through leaders, then through sheer stubbornness.

So yes, Bihar’s elections are interesting. Not because of Modi’s rallies or Rahul’s accusations or Kishor’s sarcasm — but because of the quiet determination of its people. The farmers who still slow despite floods. The youth who still prepare for exams despite power cuts. The women who still vote despite indifference. That’s Bihar’s real story — resilience dressed in humour, patience wrapped in irony.

And as November 14 approaches, when the results roll in, one thing is certain: no matter who wins, Bihar will continue doing what it’s always done best — survive, laugh at its politicians, and wait for the next election, where hope will once again wear a fresh coat of paint.

Because in Bihar, politics isn’t a choice — it’s heritage.

ED Arrests Third Person in ₹68-Crore Fake Bank Guarantee Case Linked to Anil Ambani’s Reliance Power

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ED Arrests Third Person in ₹68-Crore Fake Bank Guarantee Case Linked to Anil Ambani’s Reliance Power 18

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) has made a third arrest in the ongoing money laundering probe linked to a ₹68-crore fake bank guarantee issued on behalf of Anil Ambani’s Reliance Power, official sources said on Friday.

The latest accused, identified as Amar Nath Dutta, was taken into custody on Thursday under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA). He has been remanded to four days of ED custody by a special court.

Earlier, the agency had arrested Ashok Kumar Pal, former Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of Reliance Power, and Partha Sarathi Biswal, Managing Director of Odisha-based Biswal Tradelink, in connection with the same case.

According to investigators, the case revolves around a fake bank guarantee worth ₹68.2 crore, allegedly submitted to the Solar Energy Corporation of India Limited (SECI) on behalf of Reliance NU BESS Limited, a subsidiary of Reliance Power. The company, previously known as Maharashtra Energy Generation Limited, reportedly submitted a bank guarantee purportedly from FirstRand Bank, Manila — a branch that does not exist.

The ED alleges that Biswal Tradelink operated a racket supplying fake bank guarantees to corporate entities for an 8% commission. The money laundering investigation stems from an FIR filed by Delhi Police’s Economic Offences Wing (EOW) in November 2024.

Officials revealed that Biswal Tradelink used a fake email domain (s-bi.co.in) — similar to the State Bank of India’s official domain (sbi.co.in) — to send forged communications to SECI, creating a false impression of authenticity. The company’s registered office was found to be a residential property belonging to one of Biswal’s relatives.

In its defence, Reliance Power said it was a “victim of fraud, forgery, and cheating conspiracy” and had already reported the incident to the stock exchanges on November 7, 2024. A company spokesperson confirmed that a criminal complaint had been filed with the Delhi Police in October 2024 against the third party involved.

The Reliance Group also clarified that Anil Ambani has not been on the board of Reliance Power for over three and a half years and has “no connection with the case.”

The ED continues to investigate the flow of funds and the possible role of intermediaries in what officials describe as a “sophisticated financial fraud using fake documentation and forged banking channels.”

Bombay HC Acquits Man After 27 Years, Says ‘Mere Unhappiness Can’t Prove Cruelty’ in Wife’s Suicide Case

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After living under the shadow of conviction for over 27 years, Ramprakash @ Popat Govind Manohar has finally been acquitted by the Bombay High Court, which ruled that there was no evidence of cruelty or abetment in the suicide of his wife, Rekha.

Justice Milind Sathaye set aside the 1998 judgment delivered by a Pune sessions court that had sentenced Manohar to three years’ rigorous imprisonment under Sections 306 (abetment of suicide) and 498-A (cruelty) of the Indian Penal Code. His mother, who was also charged in the case, had been acquitted earlier.

The case dates back to May 1997, when Manohar married Rekha. Just six months later, she was found dead in a river near Pune. The prosecution had claimed Rekha was harassed by her husband and in-laws for money and a sewing machine, which allegedly drove her to suicide — a charge Manohar consistently denied.

After examining the case record, the High Court found no credible evidence to support the allegations. “The necessary ingredient of cruelty in the form of conduct likely to drive a woman to suicide is not clearly spelt out, much less proved,” Justice Sathaye observed, adding, “Mere statements that the deceased used to be unhappy or wept are not sufficient to conclude harassment beyond reasonable doubt.”

The court also noted several lapses in the prosecution’s case — no neighbours were examined, the panch witness turned hostile, and the recovery of the alleged sewing machine from the accused’s home was unsubstantiated. The ownership of the machine itself was in doubt since the purchase receipt was in another person’s name.

Significantly, the judge observed that Manohar had filed a missing person complaint on the day Rekha disappeared, reporting that she had left her ornaments at home. During the subsequent police inquiry, Rekha’s parents did not allege any harassment at that time.

Concluding that the trial court had erred in holding that Rekha was driven to suicide by mental cruelty, Justice Sathaye extended the benefit of doubt to Manohar and acquitted him of all charges.

The court directed Manohar to furnish a personal bond of ₹15,000, ensuring his appearance if the State challenges the verdict before the Supreme Court.

With this judgment, the Bombay High Court not only restored Manohar’s reputation after nearly three decades but also reinforced that “unhappiness alone does not establish cruelty or abetment under criminal law.”