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India–US Trade Deal a Major Win for Strategic Partnership: Envoy Vinay Mohan Kwatra

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India–US Trade Deal a Major Win for Strategic Partnership: Envoy Vinay Mohan Kwatra 2

Indian Ambassador to the United States Vinay Mohan Kwatra on Monday described the India–US trade deal as a major victory for a consequential bilateral partnership under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Donald Trump.

In a post on social media, Kwatra said the agreement would unlock vast new opportunities for both economies and bring tangible benefits to the people of India and the United States. He noted that the deal marks a significant step forward in strengthening economic cooperation and mutual trust between the two nations.

Calling the development a milestone, the ambassador said the announcement heralds an exciting new phase in the India–US partnership, reinforcing the growing strategic and economic alignment between New Delhi and Washington.

Grief Is Personal, Power Is Political, Maharashtra Must Learn to Separate the Two

maharahstra, power, amit shah, sunetra pawar, devendra fadnavis, grief
Grief Is Personal, Power Is Political, Maharashtra Must Learn to Separate the Two 4

Maharashtra has not merely lost a politician; it has lost a voice that shaped the rhythm of its politics for decades. Ajit Pawar was many things—controversial to some, commanding to others—but he was never inconsequential. His speeches carried the authority of experience, his humour disarmed hostile rooms, and his media interactions reflected a man deeply aware of power and its mechanics.

As a journalist, I watched Ajit Pawar closely for years. His grasp of administration, his instinct for negotiation, and his understanding of Maharashtra’s political anatomy were not inherited gifts. They were earned, slowly and painfully, through electoral battles, internal party conflicts, criticism, and survival. His death has caused genuine pain. Maharashtra will miss him—and rightly so.

But grief cannot be allowed to paralyse judgment.

Respect for the dead does not mean suspension of scrutiny for the living. And this is precisely where Maharashtra faces an uncomfortable moment—one that demands honesty over emotion.

Within days of Ajit Pawar’s passing, succession plans began circulating with unsettling speed. Reports suggested that his wife, Sunetra Pawar, would step into the vacant Deputy Chief Minister’s position. Simultaneously, news emerged that his son was being positioned for a Rajya Sabha seat. What should have remained a period of personal mourning was rapidly transformed into a phase of political redistribution.

This shift deserves pause—not outrage, not drama—but scrutiny.

The wife is yet to fully emerge from sorrow. The children are still mourning their father. The loss is raw and recent. And yet, power has already been reorganised. This haste is not continuity. It is convenience.

There is something morally troubling about converting death into political acceleration. Even in politics, which is rarely gentle, there exist unwritten codes of restraint. When authority is claimed before mourning finds its breath, the act ceases to resemble public service. It begins to resemble entitlement.

Ajit Pawar’s political stature is not transferable property. His experience cannot be inherited. His instincts were not genetic traits. Governance is not an heirloom passed within a family.

This brings us to the fundamental issue—not legality, but legitimacy.

What political experience qualifies Sunetra Pawar to occupy one of the most powerful offices in the state? What administrative crises has she independently handled? What electoral verdict has she faced? Which governance challenges has she navigated in her own right?

The Deputy Chief Minister’s position is not symbolic. It is not ceremonial. It demands authority, competence, and the ability to manage crisis. These attributes are built through exposure and accountability—not proximity to power.

The son’s elevation raises equally serious concerns. He contested the 2019 Lok Sabha election and lost. Loss is part of politics. But defeat traditionally calls for rebuilding trust, reconnecting with voters, and earning credibility. It does not automatically justify a parliamentary berth through backroom arrangements.

To label this as political responsibility is dishonest.

What message does this send to thousands of party workers who dedicate decades to grassroots politics? What does it say to voters who believe elections matter? And what lesson does it teach young citizens—that surnames matter more than struggle?

The defence offered against such criticism is predictable: that questioning succession is insensitive during a period of mourning.

That argument is flawed.

The politics is not being done by journalists. It is being done by those who rushed to occupy power. Silence is demanded in the name of sensitivity, while authority is claimed in the name of sympathy.

This is how dynastic politics survives—by emotionally disarming accountability.

India has seen this pattern repeatedly. Political families across parties treat leadership as hereditary. Internal democracy is quietly replaced by bloodline consensus. Merit is celebrated in speeches and discarded in practice.

Ironically, Ajit Pawar himself did not rise through entitlement alone. He survived internal rebellions, public scrutiny, and electoral judgment. To equate his journey with immediate family succession is to weaken his legacy, not honour it.

Legacy is not about occupying the same chair.
Legacy is about matching competence.

If this transition is about stability, Maharashtra deserves an explanation for why experienced leaders were bypassed. If it is about public demand, that demand must be demonstrated, not assumed. And if it is about sympathy, then sympathy has replaced scrutiny.

And that is dangerous.

Democracies do not collapse suddenly. They erode quietly—through convenience, compromise, and silence.

I can feel sorrow for Ajit Pawar’s death and still feel disturbed by the political opportunism that followed it. These emotions are not contradictory. They are honest.

Grief deserves dignity. Politics demands accountability. Maharashtra deserves better than inherited power disguised as service.

Sunetra Pawar Unanimously Chosen NCP Legislature Party Leader, Set to Be Maharashtra’s First Woman Deputy CM

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Sunetra Pawar Unanimously Chosen NCP Legislature Party Leader, Set to Be Maharashtra’s First Woman Deputy CM 6

Rajya Sabha member Sunetra Pawar was unanimously elected leader of the Nationalist Congress Party’s legislature party in Maharashtra on Saturday, just three days after the death of her husband and Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar.

She is set to take oath later in the day as Maharashtra’s first woman Deputy Chief Minister, marking a significant political moment for the state.

Sunetra Pawar’s name was proposed by senior NCP leader Dilip Walse Patil and seconded by Food and Civil Supplies Minister Chhagan Bhujbal. Her election took place at a meeting of the party’s legislature wing held at Ajit Pawar’s office on the ground floor of the Vidhan Bhavan complex in south Mumbai.

Ajit Pawar, who served as Deputy Chief Minister and Finance Minister in the Mahayuti government led by Devendra Fadnavis, was killed in a plane crash in Baramati along with four others on January 28.

During the meeting, Sunetra Pawar paid floral tributes to a portrait of her late husband, with their younger son Jay present. Several ministers and legislators were visibly emotional as they arrived at the Vidhan Bhavan complex.

The Lok Bhavan confirmed that Sunetra Pawar’s swearing-in ceremony as Deputy Chief Minister will be held at 5 pm in Mumbai.

Until the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Sunetra Pawar had largely maintained a low public profile. She contested the Baramati seat that year as the NCP candidate but lost to her sister-in-law and NCP (SP) MP Supriya Sule in a high-stakes political contest. She was later elected to the Rajya Sabha.

UGC on Trial: Facts Lost, Fear Amplified, and Education Held Hostage

ucg, trial, UGC reforms, National Education Policy,
UGC on Trial: Facts Lost, Fear Amplified, and Education Held Hostage 8

The University Grants Commission did not suddenly wake up one morning and decide to become India’s most controversial institution. It became the “big talk” because India’s higher education system is finally being dragged—kicking, screaming, and protesting—from comfortable stagnation into uneasy change. And whenever a system that has enjoyed decades of inertia is nudged toward reform, the reflex is not introspection but outrage. What we are witnessing today is not merely criticism of UGC; it is the systematic, often reckless, spreading of fear, half-truths, and deliberate misrepresentation, packaged as concern for students and sold aggressively to the public.

UGC has long been an invisible power—issuing grants, setting norms, regulating universities, operating in dusty files and dry notifications. Nobody held placards against it when salaries were secure, promotions were automatic, syllabi remained untouched for decades, and accountability was optional. The anger began the moment UGC started executing structural changes linked to the National Education Policy—changes that challenged entitlement, comfort zones, and academic complacency. Suddenly, reform was branded as destruction, regulation as dictatorship, and standardisation as ideological warfare. This narrative did not emerge organically; it was manufactured, amplified, and irresponsibly circulated.

What is striking is how swiftly misinformation replaced reading. Draft guidelines were projected as final orders. Optional frameworks were sold as mandatory diktats. Transitional chaos was painted as irreversible collapse. Social media, which thrives on immediacy and outrage, became the new campus corridor—only louder, dumber, and far less informed. A single UGC circular, stripped of context, could now spark nationwide panic within minutes. No one waited for clarification. No one bothered to read footnotes. Nuance was declared irrelevant, and complexity was treated as suspicious. In this atmosphere, truth did not stand a chance.

Students became the softest targets in this disinformation war. They were told their degrees would be worthless, their careers uncertain, their futures sabotaged. Anxiety was not just spread—it was weaponized. Instead of calm academic counselling, students received alarmist slogans. Instead of structured explanations, they were fed ideological interpretations. The tragedy is that many of the reforms being protested either allow flexibility, offer choice, or are still evolving through consultation. But fear, once planted, does not wait for facts. It metastasises.

Faculty resistance, too, deserves scrutiny beyond its moral posturing. Yes, there are genuine concerns about implementation gaps, regional disparities, and infrastructural readiness. But to pretend that all opposition is noble is dishonest. A significant part of the backlash stems from disrupted comfort—performance metrics replacing seniority rituals, digital accountability intruding into opaque systems, research output being measured instead of assumed. When scrutiny enters spaces long protected by insulation, outrage is the first defence mechanism. Tradition is invoked selectively—not to preserve pedagogical depth but to shield stagnation.

The most dangerous distortion, however, has been the politicisation of UGC. Education policy is now framed almost exclusively through ideological suspicion. Every syllabus change is portrayed as indoctrination. Every institutional reform is branded authoritarian. Every regulation is presumed to be politically motivated. This is not critical thinking; it is intellectual laziness disguised as vigilance. Universities cannot become permanent theatres of ideological anxiety, nor can regulators function while being tried daily in the court of social media hysteria. Genuine critique is drowned out by performative outrage, and serious issues are reduced to hashtags.

This is not to absolve UGC of responsibility. Its failures are real and consequential. Communication has been abysmal. Rollouts have often ignored on-ground capacity. State universities are routinely treated as afterthoughts. Uniform frameworks fail to account for India’s extraordinary institutional diversity. These are not minor lapses—they demand correction, accountability, and reform within the regulator itself. But incompetence is not conspiracy, and clumsy execution is not tyranny. To collapse every flaw into malicious intent is either intellectually dishonest or wilfully deceptive.

The real investigative question is this: who benefits from turning UGC into a public villain? It is certainly not students who need stability. Not universities, which need cooperation. Not faculty, who need structured autonomy. The beneficiaries are those who profit from chaos—attention-seekers, ideological entrepreneurs, and institutional actors unwilling to adapt. Fear is easier to sell than reform; outrage moves faster than understanding.

India aspires to global academic relevance, but it wants that future without discomfort, without transition pain, and without accountability. That is fantasy. No education system modernises without friction. No reform emerges without confusion. And no regulator survives change without being unpopular. The mature response is not to spread panic but to demand better execution, clearer timelines, transparent dialogue, and genuine consultation.

UGC has become the big talk not because it has destroyed education, but because it has disturbed entrenched habits. The problem is not debate; the problem is distortion. In a civilisation that once treated learning as sacred and teachers as guides, we have reduced educational reform to viral outrage and policy discussion to political theatre.

If India is serious about its intellectual future, it must stop mistaking noise for resistance and confusion for collapse. UGC must be held accountable, not crucified. Critiqued, not caricatured. Reformed, not relentlessly demonised. Because when education policy is reduced to propaganda—of any ideology—the ultimate casualty is not an institution, but an entire generation of students trained to react before they think.

Pregnant Delhi Police Commando Dies After Brutal Assault by Husband, Brother Recalls Disturbing Last Call

Delhi Police commando, domestic violence, Kajal Chaudhary, commando
Pregnant Delhi Police Commando Dies After Brutal Assault by Husband, Brother Recalls Disturbing Last Call 10

A 27-year-old Delhi Police Special Cell commando, four months pregnant, died after being brutally assaulted by her husband at their West Delhi home, a case that has sent shockwaves across the national capital.

Kajal Chaudhary was attacked at her residence in Mohan Garden on January 22. Her husband, Ankur, a clerk with the Ministry of Defence posted in Delhi Cantonment, was arrested hours later. After battling for life for five days, Kajal succumbed to her injuries at a hospital in Ghaziabad on January 27.

Recounting the chilling final moments, Kajal’s brother Nikhil, a constable posted at Parliament Street Police Station, said he received a phone call from Ankur shortly before the assault. “He asked me to keep the call on recording and said it could be used as police evidence. Then he said he was killing my sister,” Nikhil told PTI. “After that, I heard her screams. The call disconnected.”

Nikhil said Ankur called again minutes later, claiming Kajal was dead and asking the family to reach the hospital. “When I saw my sister, it was horrifying. Not even an enemy would kill someone like this,” he said, alleging severe head injuries and multiple wounds.

According to police, Kajal was first slammed against a door frame and then allegedly attacked with a dumbbell. Ankur was initially booked for attempt to murder, and the charges will now be converted to murder following her death.

The family has accused Ankur and his relatives of prolonged domestic violence and dowry harassment. Kajal’s father, Rakesh, alleged that despite giving cash, gold jewellery and a Bullet motorcycle at the wedding, additional demands continued. “They said their son would have got a car had he married someone else,” he said.

Kajal’s mother said the family spent nearly Rs 20 lakh on the marriage and took loans to meet the demands. “She suffered immensely. I want justice for my daughter,” she said.

A case has been registered at Mohan Garden police station based on the brother’s complaint, and further investigation is underway.

Shashi Tharoor Says His Positions Are ‘Pro-India, Not Pro-BJP’, Reaffirms Loyalty to Congress

shashi tharoor, tharoor, pro-india stand, pro-india
Shashi Tharoor Says His Positions Are 'Pro-India, Not Pro-BJP', Reaffirms Loyalty to Congress 12

Senior Congress leader Shashi Tharoor on Friday said his stand on certain issues may have been portrayed as pro-BJP by sections of the media, but he considers his views to be pro-government or pro-India, not partisan.

Tharoor said he has consistently maintained that on some international and national security matters, he prefers to speak for the country rather than indulge in political positioning. “This is not new. I have always said so,” the Congress MP from Thiruvananthapuram told reporters.

A controversy had erupted last year over Tharoor’s remarks on the India-Pakistan situation and India’s diplomatic outreach following the Pahalgam attack, with his views differing from the official Congress line. Several party leaders had questioned his intentions at the time.

Addressing the issue, Tharoor acknowledged that party members are expected to adhere to the party’s stance but underlined that he has never gone against the Congress in Parliament. “I have always stood with the party in Parliament, so there is no cause for concern,” he said.

Responding to speculation about his future in the party, Tharoor firmly ruled out any exit. “I am going to be in the Congress. I am not going anywhere. I will be part of the poll campaign in Kerala and will work for the victory of the United Democratic Front,” he said, while questioning why such clarifications were repeatedly being sought.

On Thursday, Tharoor met Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and senior leader Rahul Gandhi to discuss his concerns, after which he said that “all is good” and that everyone was “on the same page”.

The meeting came amid reports of Tharoor being unhappy over his treatment at a recent event in Kochi and alleged attempts by some leaders to sideline him in Kerala. The developments assume significance as the Congress gears up for the Kerala Assembly elections, which are seen as crucial for the party’s bid to reclaim power in the state after a decade in opposition.

Ajit Pawar Was Keen on NCP Reunification, Merger Was Imminent: Close Aide

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Ajit Pawar Was Keen on NCP Reunification, Merger Was Imminent: Close Aide 14

Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar was keen on uniting the two factions of the Nationalist Congress Party, and the merger was on the verge of completion, a close associate of the late leader has claimed.

Kiran Gujar, who has been associated with Ajit Pawar since before his entry into politics in the mid-1980s, told PTI on Thursday that Pawar had confided in him just five days before the fatal plane crash that claimed his life. “He was 100 per cent keen on merging both factions. He told me the entire process was complete and the merger was imminent within days,” Gujar said.

During the recent civic polls, which both factions contested together, Ajit Pawar had also told select journalists that he intended to merge his party with the NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) while his uncle Sharad Pawar remained in good health. After jointly contesting the January 15 civic elections in Pune and Pimpri Chinchwad, the two sides had decided to continue their alliance for the upcoming Zilla Parishad elections as well.

Gujar said Ajit Pawar had a clear roadmap for the merger and the future course of a united party. On whether discussions had taken place with Sharad Pawar, Gujar said positive talks were underway with Pawar, Supriya Sule, and other senior leaders, and there were indications that the move would receive the elder Pawar’s endorsement.

“Many positive developments were on the cards, but this tragedy took Ajit ‘dada’ away from us. After his death, it has become even more imperative that both factions come together and work for the betterment of Baramati and the state,” Gujar said.

A confidant of the Pawar family for over four decades, Gujar recalled that after Ajit Pawar won the election to the Chhatrapati Cooperative Sugar Mill in 1981, he was persuaded to enter public life. Initially reluctant and keen to focus on farming and family, Pawar eventually stepped into politics when Sharad Pawar became chief minister in the late 1980s, filling the need for young leadership in Baramati. “Development will continue, but a leader like Ajit dada will not emerge again,” Gujar added.

Supreme Court Stays New UGC Equity Rules, Flags ‘Vague’ Provisions and Social Risks

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Supreme Court Stays New UGC Equity Rules, Flags 'Vague' Provisions and Social Risks 16

In a significant intervention, the Supreme Court of India on Thursday stayed the University Grants Commission’s 2026 regulations on preventing caste-based discrimination in higher education, observing that the framework is “prima facie vague”, capable of misuse and could have “very sweeping consequences” for society.

A bench led by Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi said the regulations, if implemented in their present form, could have a “dangerous impact” and end up dividing society. The court sought responses from the Centre and the University Grants Commission by March 19 on petitions challenging the UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations, 2026.

Keeping the contentious provisions in abeyance, the bench revived the earlier UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Educational Institutions) Regulations, 2012, invoking its powers under Article 142 of the Constitution. The court said that repealing the earlier framework without an alternative would leave students without any effective remedy.

The bench took particular exception to Regulation 3(1)(c), which defines caste-based discrimination as discrimination only against members of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes, noting that it excludes students from the general category from institutional protection. The court observed that Regulation 3(1)(e) already provides a broad definition of “discrimination” and questioned the need for a separate, narrower definition.

“If we do not intervene, it will have a dangerous impact and divide society. The language of the regulation is vague and needs to be carefully modulated so that it is not exploited,” the bench remarked.

The court also flagged the complete omission of ragging from the scope of the regulations, despite it being one of the most common forms of harassment on campuses. Questioning the assumption that discrimination operates only along caste lines, the bench asked why harassment based on junior-senior hierarchies had been ignored.

Advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain, appearing for one of the petitioners, argued that the impugned definition violates Article 14 of the Constitution by creating an unreasonable classification and presuming that caste-based discrimination affects only certain social groups. Another counsel highlighted scenarios where victims from the general category could be left without remedies and even face retaliatory action under the current framework.

The Chief Justice suggested that the issue be reconsidered by a committee of eminent jurists and experts with a deep understanding of social realities, warning against measures that could push society towards regressive segregation. “Educational institutions must reflect unity, not deepen divisions,” the bench said.

Senior advocate Indira Jaising, appearing in a 2019 public interest litigation filed by the mothers of Rohith Vemula and Payal Tadvi—which eventually led to the framing of the 2026 regulations—defended the new rules.

The bench made it clear, however, that while addressing discrimination is essential, the present framework requires serious re-examination to avoid unintended and far-reaching consequences. The petitions were filed by Mritunjay Tiwari, advocate Vineet Jindal and Rahul Dewan.

Anjali Bharti and Maharashtra’s Moral Collapse

anjali bharti, amruta fadnavis, controversy, maharashtra, moral
Anjali Bharti and Maharashtra's Moral Collapse 18

Maharashtra today is staring at a mirror it no longer recognises—and perhaps no longer wants to. This is not merely a phase of political turbulence or a temporary spike in crime statistics. This is a systemic moral collapse, where governance has grown timid before criminals, public discourse has turned feral, and women—particularly women without political power but with public visibility—have become the softest, most convenient targets. The state that once set standards of political decorum is now sinking into a daily spectacle of vulgarity masquerading as activism and hate speech hiding under the convenient umbrella of free speech.

Let us begin with the hard truth we keep dodging. Crime against women and the girl child in Maharashtra has reached alarming proportions. Thousands of rape cases in months, hundreds of murders, trafficking networks thriving in urban shadows, drugs flowing unchecked, girls disappearing with terrifying regularity—these are not aberrations. This is the sound of a state losing control. Law and order today feels reactive, cosmetic, and selective. Press conferences replace policing. Twitter statements substitute governance. And accountability is tossed around like a political football no one wants to own.

This vacuum of authority has produced something even more dangerous: a culture where anger is loud but misdirected, and outrage is intense but intellectually bankrupt. Instead of attacking the state machinery—those who actually wield power—sections of society have chosen a far easier route: character assassination by proxy. When institutions feel untouchable, women become targets. That is not activism; that is cowardice.

The recent controversy involving Anjali Bharti exposes this rot with brutal clarity. While speaking about sexual violence—an issue grave enough to demand restraint, seriousness, and moral clarity—she chose to descend into vulgar, sexually loaded language aimed at Amruta Fadnavis. Not at the Home Department. Not at the police. Not in the cabinet. Not even directly at the Chief Minister. But at a woman who holds no constitutional authority, no executive power, and no role in law enforcement.

This is where the argument collapses entirely. If you are angry about rapes, murders, trafficking, and state failure, your target must be the state. Full stop. When that rage is redirected at a CM’s wife using obscene language, what you are revealing is not moral courage but a deep-seated comfort with misogyny. And worse, the normalisation of that misogyny through applause, viral clips, and ideological justification.

There was a time—not very long ago—when Maharashtra politics, despite ideological battles, preserved a baseline of civility. From the first Chief Minister Yashwantrao Chavan to Eknath Shinde, the office of the Chief Minister was treated as that of the first citizen of the state. Political disagreement never spilled into personal abuse of families. Yashwantrao Chavan symbolised a certain gravitas in Maharashtra’s political culture: restraint in speech, dignity in public life, and an unspoken understanding that power must carry responsibility, not theatrics. From Chavan onward, despite ideological differences and fierce political battles, the office of the Chief Minister retained a sense of reverence. Personal families were kept out of the gutter. Language had limits. Lines were rarely crossed. That is precisely why today’s degeneration feels so jarring. When we say Maharashtra politics has fallen from grace, the comparison is not imaginary—it is historical. From Yashwantrao Chavan’s statesmanship to today’s abuse-powered discourse, the decline is visible, measurable, and frankly, alarming.

Wives of Chief Ministers remained outside the battlefield, accorded dignity whether visible or private. That unwritten code has now been shredded with disturbing ease. Since Devendra Fadnavis rose to the helm, his wife has been subjected to a relentless, venomous campaign—mocked for her appearance, body-shamed for her looks, sneered at for her clothes, abused for refusing to fit the outdated, submissive mould some people still expect from a “CM’s wife.” This is not social critique; it is sexualized public lynching. And it marks the first time in Maharashtra’s political history that a Chief Minister’s wife has been so openly and viciously targeted by trolls, activists, and opportunists across ideological lines.

Amruta Fadnavis is not a constitutional figure. She is an independent individual, entitled to her lifestyle, her choices, her voice. She did not sign up to be a punching bag for state failure. To argue otherwise is to openly endorse the idea that women related to men in power are fair game for abuse. That is not progressive thought—it is medieval thinking with a smartphone.

The defence offered in such cases is always the same tired excuse: freedom of speech. But freedom of speech was never meant to be freedom to be filthy. It exists to protect dissent, not depravity. Criticism of power is healthy; vulgarity directed at women with no power is intellectual laziness dressed up as rebellion. Social media has only accelerated this decay, turning platforms into courtrooms where the mob is judge, jury, and executioner—and taste, decency, and responsibility are declared casualties.

This moral collapse is not limited to so-called rebels or fringe voices. The ruling class carries its own heavy share of blame. The BJP today is demanding police action—and legally, it may be justified—but it cannot absolve itself of its long-standing habit of indulging in aggressive, personal, and often obnoxious rhetoric. Party leaders who routinely weaponise language, encourage street-level theatrics, and blur the line between outrage and abuse have no moral high ground.

Take Chitra Wagh—vocal, confrontational, and selective in outrage. She raises hell when it suits the party line, then performs elegant U-turns when investigations begin to look inconvenient. Sudhir Mungantiwar publicly joking about stripping political opponents? Nitesh Rane and Navneet Rana relentlessly injecting religious polarisation into every issue? This constant lowering of discourse has consequences. When leaders speak recklessly, the streets speak filthily. The ecosystem is connected.

The opposition, too, cannot pretend to be innocent. While Kishori Pednekar and others have rightly condemned the offensive remarks, their own political machinery has long benefitted from troll armies and insinuation-driven politics. Selective condemnation does not cleanse systemic hypocrisy. The greatest tragedy in all this noise is what gets drowned out—the actual victims. Girls who were raped. Women who were murdered. Families destroyed beyond repair. Their pain is not a slogan. Their suffering cannot be monetised through YouTube views or viral outrage. When the discourse drops to obscene personal attacks, the real issue—state failure to protect its women—gets buried under the filth.

This is how societies rot. Not in one dramatic collapse, but in small daily acts of moral compromise. When misogyny is tolerated in the name of ideology. When abuse is excused as passion. When leaders weaponise language, and followers amplify it without thought. When women’s dignity becomes collateral damage in political warfare.

Maharashtra is not merely facing a law-and-order crisis. It is facing a crisis of values. Respect for institutions has eroded because institutions failed to command respect. Respect for women has eroded because society selectively applies principles depending on convenience. And unless this vicious cycle is broken—clearly, firmly, unapologetically—the state risks becoming a place where power is feared, not respected, and women are spoken about, but never truly protected.

If anger against corrupt or inefficient governance is real, let it rise where it belongs—against those in power. But if that anger seeks relief by abusing women, then it deserves to be called out for exactly what it is: not rebellion, not courage, not truth—but moral bankruptcy shouted from a loudspeaker.

Kerala Appoints NK Unnikrishnan as Special Prosecutor in Sabarimala Gold Loss Cases

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Kerala Appoints NK Unnikrishnan as Special Prosecutor in Sabarimala Gold Loss Cases 20

The Kerala government has appointed senior advocate NK Unnikrishnan as the Special Public Prosecutor to head the prosecution in the high-profile Sabarimala gold loss cases, an official said on Thursday.

The appointment was made through a government order issued on Wednesday. Unnikrishnan will lead the prosecution on behalf of the Special Investigation Team (SIT) in two cases linked to the alleged loss of gold from the Dwarapalaka idols and the doorframes of the Sreekovil (sanctum sanctorum) at Sabarimala.

In addition to conducting the prosecution, Unnikrishnan will provide legal guidance during the investigation and scrutinise charge sheets before they are filed in court. A native of Thrissur, he is known for handling several sensitive cases in the state. He earlier served as Special Public Prosecutor in the 2016 rape and murder case of law student Jisha at Kuruppampady, where the prosecution secured the conviction and death penalty for the sole accused, Ameerul Islam. He is also currently the Special Public Prosecutor in the Koodathai serial killing cases against Jolly in Kozhikode.

The appointment comes at a time when the prosecution in the Sabarimala gold loss probe is under scrutiny, following the release of one of the accused on statutory bail due to delays in filing charge sheets in the two cases.

Meanwhile, the Enforcement Directorate has also initiated a money laundering investigation into the Sabarimala gold loss incident, adding another layer to the ongoing legal proceedings.